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Contradictions in the Cause: Glen Echo Maryland 1960

26 Jun
Glen Echo Integration Picket Line: 1960

Protesters demand Glen Echo admit African Americans in 1960.

By Daniel Hardin

The story of the effort to end segregation at Glen Echo Amusement Park in Montgomery County, Maryland 55 years ago is an inspiring one that continues to be celebrated today.

A mixed group of black and white college students from the local Nonviolent Action Group (NAG) began picketing the facility in June 1960 calling for an end to the privately owned park’s policy of barring African Americans.

The neighboring residents of the overwhelmingly white and majority Jewish community of Bannockburn joined them. Together they sustained the picket lines through the summer heat in the face of American Nazi Party counter demonstrators until the owners gave in and finally desegregated the facility the following spring.

The effort involved harassment and arrests and resulted in a precedent setting court case establishing that an off-duty sheriff deputy employed as a park guard conducting the arrests at the behest of the park owners was in fact an agent of the state. Such use of a state agent to enforce segregation was illegal, the Supreme Court ruled in 1964. It was a resounding victory all the way around–both in the social forces involved and the outcome.

Lost in the re-telling of the story is how some white participants worked to depose the black leader of NAG in the middle of the Glen Echo fight and replace him with one more palatable to the Kennedy-Johnson presidential ticket that opposed enacting national legislation on civil rights. The successful attempt, in turn, sowed some of the seeds of the black power movement later in the decade.

Background to Glen Echo Protest

The storied Glen Echo Amusement Park opened in 1891 as a segregated facility featuring concerts and other arts performances. Streetcar service to Glen Echo began the same year. The park didn’t fare well featuring performing arts and converted to an amusement park in the early twentieth century.

At the time Glen Echo opened, the reversal of African American gains during the Reconstruction period was at its peak and both terror and new segregationist laws were enforcing Jim Crow.

The nascent civil rights movement in the Washington area tried a number of tactics to fight the renewed denial of the rights of African Americans ranging from protests against lynching to armed self-defense during the Washington “riot” of 1919.

Scottsboro pickets clash with police at Supreme Court: 1932

An unauthorized march to “Free the Scottsboro Boys” at the Supreme Court in 1932 introduces civil disobedience to the early rights movement.

The tactic of civil disobedience for civil rights was introduced in Washington, D.C. during the Scottsboro campaign in 1932 when communists staged a prohibited march on the Supreme Court.

The boycott was introduced during the 1930s in a campaign to force those doing business in the black community to hire African Americans. District of Columbia residents also employed a wide range of methods in a fight against police brutality 1938-41.

Picket lines and court cases largely de-segregated public facilities within the District of Columbia during the 1940s and 50s, but the suburbs remained bastions of segregation.

The sit-in tactic was utilized at the Alexandria, Virginia public library in 1939, but the approach was not adopted on a widespread basis either in the Washington, D.C. area or around the country.

However, the use of the tactic exploded when four African American students from North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University began a movement when they staged a sit-in at a Woolworth’s lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina on February 1, 1960.

Origins of the Nonviolent Action Group

At the same time, a 25-year old divinity student was forming a group dedicated to civil rights action at Howard University. Laurence Henry led a small group of Howard students who were joined by students from other area colleges to picket the Capitol in March 1960 demanding movement on a federal civil rights bill. The organization was named the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG).

The picket line was completely ignored and Henry concluded that picketing targets like the Capitol and the White House were a “waste of time,” according to the Washington Post.

Arrested for Arlington Sit-In: 1960

Laurence Henry (right) arrested at a sit-in at Howard Johnson in Arlington, Virginia June 10, 1960 during the desegregation campaign.

Instead Henry decided to emulate the Greensboro sit-ins. He first targeted Alexandria, Va., which responded by agreeing to undertake a quick desegregation study composed of black leaders and white businesses in return for a postponement of demonstrations. Henry agreed and moved NAG’s first sit-in to Arlington, Virginia. On June 9th a small interracial group began a sit in at a People’s Drug Store and quickly spread to other restaurants and lunch counters in that city.

They were confronted by up to 300 residents organized by the American Nazi Party and several arrests by police, including Henry. However the demonstrators continued their sit-ins for two weeks until most major chain stores agreed to desegregate. Alexandria city officials quickly announced that chain stores and restaurants in the town would also desegregate and Fairfax County gave similar notice a week later.

Glen Echo Protests Begin

Kids Celebrate Day at Glen Echo Park: 1947

Washington Star news carriers enjoying themselves in segregated Glen Echo in 1947.

Fresh from victory in Virginia, the group picked Glen Echo Park in Montgomery County, Maryland as its next target. Glen Echo was a high-profile segregated facility and it was believed victory there would start the rest of the dominos in the Maryland suburbs tumbling.

The protests began early in the day on June 30th when two African American young women, Maudie Parker and Louise York, entered the park and were ordered to leave.

After the young women complied with the order, NAG leader Laurence Henry moved toward the gate and was halted by park security chief Francis J. Collins. A WWDC radio reporter recorded the conversation as follows: Collins: “What race do you belong to?” to which Henry responded, “I belong to the human race.”

Collins barred admittance and an integrated group of 60 people set up a picket line, carrying signs that read, “Glen Echo Should Echo Democracy” and “End Jim Crow at Glen Echo.”

Demonstrators enter the park

Henry soon defied Collins and led a group of about two-dozen into the park to The Ranch restaurant, which promptly closed down. About a dozen protesters moved onto the merry-go-round after white supporters bought tickets for the group.

Arrest on the Carousel at Glen Echo Park: 1960

Francis Collins places Marvous Saunders under arrest on the Glen Echo carousel June 30, 1960.

Collins, who was also a Montgomery County deputy sheriff, placed five African Americans under arrest after they refused to leave the ride within five minutes of his order to do so. Those arrested were Gwendolyn Greene (Britt), Cecil Washington, Marvous Saunders, Michael Proctor and William Griffin.

The demonstrations lasted about three hours on the first day, but it was just the first of hundreds of hours of picketing that involved assaults by the American Nazi Party and more arrests by police, Henry was beaten and arrested by police August 3rd in Glen Echo. In the county jail he joined fellow NAG member Dion Diamond in a hunger strike before police released the pair August 5th.

A number of residents from the nearby community of Bannockburn quickly joined in the picketing. Bannockburn was a close-knit progressive community, including many residents of the Jewish faith and several labor union leaders.

Counter demonstrators from the American Nazi Party showed up as well, broadcasting their messages of hate and attacking civil rights demonstrators with their fists from time to time. However, the Nazi’s presence probably increased support for the civil rights demonstrators.

Community brings new resources

Confidence in the Cause: Glen Echo, MD 1960

Nazis counter demonstrat0rs at Glen Echo while lone picket for civil rights passes by July 11, 1960.

The residents built their own support network and began supplying picketers to help sustain the lines. On many days they were the only ones picketing.

Irene Stambler, one of the residents remembered in a 2005 interview with Washington Jewish Week that the Bannockburn community provided food, permitted protesters to use bathrooms in their homes and “served lots and lots of lemonade” during the hot, humid summer weather.

Gwendolyn Britt, one of those arrested on the carousel and an early NAG activist, said, “”I have to applaud the community and the residents for joining in and supporting our action, for insisting that residents did not sit idly by,” according to WJW.

In addition to the logistical support, the Bannockburn community brought political connections that NAG lacked. Herman Bookbinder, another Bannockburn resident who was then a lobbyist for the AFL-CIO and later joined the Kennedy administration, brought high-profile rights activists into the fight.

Some other prominent people also lent support. Entertainer Sammy Davis Jr. agreed to do a fundraiser for legal defense of those arrested, which NAG leader Henry estimated at 43 people at the time. The only African American U.S. congressman, Adam Clayton Powell (D-NY) also weighed in.

Perhaps most importantly, the Bannockburn community began to bring political pressure on the Montgomery County Council to cease busing students to Glen Echo as part of its recreation program. “It was natural that our community was responsive to it…It responded beautifully, both Jews and non-Jews,” Bookbinder said in the WJW article.

Laurence Henry

Jackie Robinson with Laurence G. Henry: 1962

Laurence Henry (right) with baseball great Jackie Robinson in Baltimore in 1963.

Laurence Henry was born in Philadelphia, Pa. in 1934 as one of 11 children to Walter L. and Vera Robinson Henry who raised their sons and daughters to excel.

Henry, an African American divinity student at Howard, was part of a new generation that demanded civil rights now and didn’t have the patience for incremental change that was advocated by many of the movement’s elder leaders.

During the Glen Echo picketing of 1960, Henry attended a meeting on civil rights sponsored by the NAACP in Washington, D.C. that was attended by a number of prominent leaders and celebrities. Jibreel Khazan, one of the Greensboro Four, remembered in a 1979 interview that Henry stood up and said,

I did not come here to drink tea and speak sympathy. I came here to get involved with rights for my people.”

Henry then left the room. Khazan related that people in the room were baffled. They simply had no understanding of what Henry was trying to say. But Henry gave meaning to the words through his actions.

100 Hour Picket at the Hiser Theater in Bethesda, MD: 1960

100 hour picket at the Hiser Theater July 1960.

Henry led other desegregation efforts in Montgomery County that summer, joining Rockville residents led by the Rev. Cecil Bishop in a sit-in at the Hi-Boy Restaurant July 9 that resulted in 25 arrests, but also in desegregation of the restaurant two weeks later.

After four arrests at the Hiser Theater in Bethesda, Henry led a 100-hour picket line July 26-28 to protest the theaters refusal to permit African Americans to view films.

The Civil Rights Bill of 1960

U.S. Senate Democratic and Republican leadership collaborated to pass a weak voting rights bill in 1960. Amendments to make the bill meaningful such as providing for the U.S. Attorney General to file for civil injunctions against officials committing rights violations or for a permanent Commission on Equal Job Opportunity were tabled or defeated by with bi-partisan votes.

NAACP lobbyist Clarence Mitchell wrote, “The Civil Rights Bill passed by Congress failed to meet the NAACP’s standard of a meaningful civil rights bill…” After the bill passed, the Democratic Party adopted a platform at their Presidential nominating convention July 11-15 that contained many of the measures they had fought against adding to the bill. Presidential nominee Sen. John F. Kennedy and vice-presidential nominee Sen. Lyndon B. Johnson were thereby then forced to run on a platform they both opposed.

Bible Answers Race Hate at Sit-In: Arlington VA, 1960

American Nazi Party members and supporters confront Laurence Henry (right) and another protestor during an Arlington sit-in June 9, 1960.

Rights advocates, however, were buoyed by the platform that was not watered down like the usual planks on civil rights.

Republican Senate minority leader Everett Dirksen saw an opening to embarrass Kennedy and Johnson and introduced a series of civil rights measures including federal aid for school districts that voluntarily desegregated and a measure that would establish an agency to enforce equal job opportunity.

Both Kennedy and Johnson, the Senate majority leader, reacted quickly. Kennedy felt he could ill-afford to alienate southern Democrats whom he believed he needed to win the presidency.

Harris Wofford, brought into the Democratic presidential campaign to win the African American vote, devised a strategy for a grand bargain whereby the Democrats would make raising the minimum wage in 1960 their centerpiece while promising civil rights leaders that major rights legislation would be the first order of business for a new Kennedy administration. In the meantime, they would kill the Dirksen initiatives.

They quickly signed up Democratic U.S. Senators and Representatives to support the plan and enlisted liberal Sen. Joseph S. Clark (D-Pa.), a staunch civil rights advocate, to lead the charge. Clark moved to table Senate bill 3823. His motion was adopted by a vote of 54 to 28. This prevented any further action on the bill.

This was the only record vote on civil rights between the adoption of the party platforms and the adjournment of the 86th Congress. Both Kennedy and Johnson went on record voting against taking action on civil rights.

Many of the new civil rights activists viewed this as betrayal. Veterans like Dr. Martin Luther King Sr. and Ralph Abernathy tacitly supported Republican Richard M. Nixon for president. Dirksen had dealt a blow, but it would not prove to be a fatal one.

Henry Plans Sit-in at Democrat’s Office

Henry reacted with outrage and accused Clark of “shaking hands with the devil,” [referring to southern Democrats] when speaking at an August 14 NAACP meeting in the District of Columbia and announced his intention to lead a sit-in at Clark’s office, according to The Evening Star.

Clark denounced Henry’s remarks as “irresponsible.” Some of the Bannockburn residents moved to quickly blunt Henry. At a meeting August 15, they demanded he apologize to Clark. Henry refused–after all as he’d said earlier he wasn’t here to “drink tea and speak sympathy.”

Civil rights leaders bolster line at Glen Echo: 1960

Roy Wilkins, A. Phillip Randolph, Hyman Bookbinder, Laurence Henry and Gwendolyn Greene on picket line at Glen Echo, MD August 17, 1960.

Perhaps coincidentally, perhaps cynically Bookbinder arranged for Roy Wilkins, executive secretary of the NAACP, A. Phillip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and William Oliver of the United Automobile Workers to walk the picket line August 17 at Glen Echo. Bookbinder was lobbying for the AFL-CIO priority of raising the minimum wage that was part of Wofford’s “grand bargain.”

Bookbinder’s show of power in bringing national rights leaders to the local struggle had its effects on local rights activists. Later in the week, a meeting was arranged between Clark and members of NAG by Bookbinder. The students gave Clark a written apology that extolled Clark as “a major figure in the battle for civil rights legislation,” according to the Washington Post. However, Henry refused to express regret for his remarks.

Henry Removed from Leadership

Montgomery mug shot photo of Laurence Henry: 1960

Laurence Henry’s mug shot from a Montgomery County MD arrest in 1960.

Members of NAG held a meeting August 19 and removed Henry from leadership and designated Howard physics student Woody Jenkins as president. Jenkins said Henry’s plan to sit-in a Clark’s office was the “height of irresponsibility.”

Henry reacted calmly when speaking to the press, “The whole thing is that they claim they haven’t had enough voice, that I’ve been dictating. They wanted to have a hand in policy making.”

But on August 21st during a speech in Washington, African American Congressman Adam Clayton Powell (D-NY) referred to Henry’s ouster and blasted, “an effort to make a certain young man in this town a captive colored man.” Powell had earlier in his talk used “captive” to mean “Uncle Tom.” Powell promised to “present the facts to the public about the people who were forcing this young man to change his stand,” according to the Afro American. Henry was present during Powell’s speech.

Henry stuck to his principles and announced his intention to continue working to desegregate Glen Echo and was quoted in the Star saying, “It’s my project, I’ll be there until the place closes,”

Henry announced plans to march from Washington to Baltimore demanding a federal court injunction against Glen Echo. Leonard Brown, a spokesperson for NAG, denounced the effort saying, “Anything he does in this fashion, he does on his own,” according to the Star. But Henry went ahead with the 12-hour overnight march to the hearing in Baltimore and a number of NAG members joined him, including Gwendolyn Britt, one of those arrested on the carousel at Glen Echo.

Victory at Glen Echo

Judge James H. Pugh Orders Subversion Probe: 1969

Judge James H. Pugh presided over the trial of Glen Echo protesters in 1960.

Picketing did in fact continue into the fall until the park closed for the season. Three days before the park closed, the Montgomery County government agreed to stop busing white children to the Crystal Pool as part of their recreation program.

The park’s owners, Abram and Samuel Baker were seemingly unmoved. “This has always been a segregated park and we intend to keep it that way,” said a park spokesperson according to the Washington Post.

Judge James H. Pugh convicted the five African American students accused of trespassing for using tickets bought by whites to board the merry-go-round. In open court, Pugh justified his decision saying,

Imagine, college students from New York and college students from other places trying to force your ideas on the way other people run their businesses.

The political pressure, however, was building as public opinion increasingly swung against the segregationists. In early 1961, Bookbinder left his job with the AFL-CIO and took a position as assistant to the Secretary of Commerce and prevailed upon new Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy to get involved. Kennedy threatened park owners with revoking the lease that permitted streetcars to service the park.

First Black Children at Glen Echo: 1961

Alfred Beal (l) and Larry Murrell (r) are the first African American children to ride the Glen Echo, MD merry-go-round March 30, 1961.

Shortly afterward, the Baker brothers quietly announced that Glen Echo would open in the spring of 1961 as a desegregated facility. On March 30, 1961 Alfred Beal and Larry Murrell, both age 10, became the first African Americans to ride the carousel at the park.

The case of the five arrested on the carousel made its way to the Supreme Court where attorney Joseph L. Rauh, Jr. argued that the justices should rule the convictions for trespassing were invalid. In 1964, the Court found that Collins was acting as an agent of the County to enforce private segregation and thereby his actions were illegal when he placed the five under arrest.

Kennedy Fails to Keep Promises

Sit-In Vets Demand Civil Rights Legislation: 1960

Veterans of lunch counter sit-ins picket the White House August 15, 1960 demanding action on a civil rights bill.

After tabling the civil rights legislation, Congress also declined to pass a minimum wage increase. The legislative process had failed all participants in the Glen Echo protests in 1960.

Kennedy turned the tables on Nixon by securing much of the African American vote when Wofford convinced him to make a private phone call to Coretta Scott King in October 1960. Mrs. King was expecting a child any day while her husband languished in a Fulton County, Ga. jail. Kennedy expressed sympathy for Mrs. King’s plight and aides promptly leaked the conversation to the press.

The press asked Republican nominee Richard Nixon about King’s jailing and he responded “no comment.” King was released from jail shortly afterward and the word of Kennedy’s unprecedented phone call by a major presidential candidate and King’s subsequent release spread like wildfire through the black community.

Rev. King Sr. quickly switched his endorsement from Nixon to Kennedy and Abernathy urged African Americans to put away their Nixon buttons and vote for Kennedy. Kennedy won the 1960 election by the narrowest of margins, bolstered by an estimated 70% of the African American vote. But he quickly forgot his promise to introduce a major civil rights initiative as the first order of business for his administration.

It would be three years after his initial commitment before he put any weight behind a meaningful bill and another year before it passed Congress under President Lyndon Johnson. In the meantime, the Klan’s terrorist murders, government enforcement of segregation and police violence rained down on civil rights activists.

Henry Continues Activism

Henry continued his civil rights activism with NAG, regaining a leadership position as chair of the planning committee. A young Howard student named Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) joined NAG and began working with Henry on actions. Carmichael would go onto head SNCC and becoming the leading black power spokesperson of his era. Henry organized several hundred people to picket the White House on Nov. 8th –Election Day 1960—around four demands:

  • Compliance with the 1954 Supreme Court ruling desegregating schools.
  • Free elections in the South and Washington, D.C.
  • Complete integration of public accommodations and businesses that receive government contracts.
  • Change the Senate and House rules to remove the filibuster and other obstacles to truly meaningful civil rights laws.
Harris Wofford replies May 29, 1961 to Laurence Henry's request for a meeting.

On May 29, 1961, Harris Wofford offers to meet with Laurence Henry.

In the spring of 1961, Henry sought a White House meeting between the President’s office and direct action rights activists. He received an invitation from his old adversary Wofford who wrote,

…I have heard of your work for a long time and would personally like to meet and talk with you.

Henry later took part in the civil rights marches on Selma and in Montgomery Alabama. He also worked for several years as a freelance photographer documenting civil rights struggles and leaders like Malcolm X and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., growing particularly close to Malcolm.

Henry was beaten within inches of his life in Chester, Pa. by white racists while photographing 1964 civil rights demonstrations in the Philadelphia suburb.

Laurence Henry photo of Malcolm X: 1964

Laurence Henry photo of Malcolm X. Malcolm reportedly “loved it.”

He traveled to the Dominican Republic in 1965 and interviewed Lt. Col. Montest Arache who was then leading the fight against a U.S. invasion of that country. Upon his return, he was treated like an enemy by the U.S. government.

After working on the family run black-oriented publication NOW!, he soon turned back to his divinity degree and returned to Philadelphia where he became a community leader and founder and pastor of Christ Community Baptist Church in Philadelphia before he died in 1980.


Author’s notes: Many activists from that period also knew Henry by his brother Imari Obadele who, until his death in 2010, was president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa, an organization attempting to turn five Southern states into an independent black nation.

The effort by liberals to depose Henry was one of many such incidents in the civil rights movement that would lead many African Americans to abandon their alliance with white liberals and form a black power movement later in the decade.

The Best Cup of Coffee: Arlington, Virginia 1960

Laurence Henry (far right) joins others for a victory cup of desegregated coffee in Arlington, VA on June 23, 1960.

Time proved Laurence Henry’s stance against tabling Dirksen’s bill in 1960 correct. No major legislation was initiated by the administration until 1963 and that legislation languished in Congress for a year before it passed in the wake the Birmingham, Alabama church bombing that killed four young girls and the murders of three civil rights workers in Mississippi, two of whom were white.

There is no doubt that white liberals contributed critical support in the immediate victory at Glen Echo. Their support, however, came with a price of inaction at a higher level. Activists in the Black Lives Matter movement today are faced with a similar quandary and must carefully consider the pros and cons of enlisting institutional support.

Sources include The Washington Post, The Washington Star, The Baltimore Afro, Ebony, The Indianapolis Recorder, Now!, The Cincinnati Herald, The Gazette, Washington Jewish Week, The Civil Rights Digital Library, The Clarence Mitchell Papers, and The Global Non-Violent Action Database, among others.


ADDENDUM I

Seeds of the Black Power Movement

Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) Delivering a Speech: 1965

Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) in 1965.

The federal government continued its ambivalent commitment to civil rights, sometimes intervening in local cases, but declining to take a comprehensive approach after the 1960 elections.

NAG continued its activism and in the fall of 1960 and a freshman named Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture) joined the Non-Violent Action Group that was by then affiliated with the Student Non Violent Coordinating Committee. H. Rap Brown (later Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin) also joined. Both would become chairs of SNCC and black power advocates.

Carmichael (Ture) leads sit-in at RFK's office: 1962

Stokely Carmichael (3rd from left) leads a sit in at Atty. Gen. Robert F. Kennedy’s office March 16, 1962.

Carmichael worked with Henry following the latter’s removal from leadership of NAG and was undoubtedly aware of Henry’s desire to confront Democrats who paid lip service to civil rights progress while taking no action.

Where Henry was thwarted in 1960, Carmichael seized the opportunity to do so in February 1962 when NAG activist Dion Diamond was arrested for “criminal anarchy” (attempting to overthrow the government) for attempting to speak at Southern University in Louisiana. Carmichael organized a sit-in at U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy’s office and was forcibly evicted, but drew attention to the passive nature of the federal government in the face of brutal repression and use of state apparatus in the suppression of civil rights.

SNCC Chair Censored in 1963

March on Washington: 1963

Tents are ready for March on Washington Aug. 27, 1963.

Liberal attempts to restrain and utilize the African American civil rights movement for their own purposes were widespread and the most publicized incident occurred when the Kennedy administration insisted on censoring Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee chair John Lewis speech at the 1963 March for Jobs and Freedom.

The Kennedy administration shifted positions from trying to ignore civil rights to finding a way to co-opt the movement into support for the administration. Administration liaison Burke Marshall demanded support for a weak Kennedy civil rights initiative and insisted that Lewis drop references to marching through the south like Sherman.

Protest organizers faced a larger problem when copies of SNCC Chairman John Lewis’ speech were circulated. In the prepared text, Lewis expressed opposition to an administration backed civil rights bill, derided those who urged patience and talked about “the revolution is at hand.” There was particularly strong objection to this passage:

We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own ‘scorched earth’ policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground – nonviolently. We shall fragment the South into a thousand pieces and put them back together in the image of democracy.

Patrick O’Boyle, the archbishop of Washington, who was scheduled to deliver the invocation, objected to Lewis’ speech and threatened to not only walk out, but to take all Catholics with him if the speech was given. John Lewis said he would deliver the speech as written or not at all.

Walter Reuther of the United Auto Workers told coalition members,

If John Lewis feels strongly that he wants to make this speech, he can go someplace else and make it, but he has no right to make it here because if he tries to make it he destroys the integrity of our coalition and he drives people out of the coalition who agree to the principles…This is just immoral and he has no right to do it, and I demand a vote right now because I have to call the archbishop.

Lewis dropped the incendiary words and gave a modified speech, but the incident galvanized resentment by black activists toward white liberals. Within a few years, Willie Ricks and Carmichael were popularizing the slogan “Black Power” in 1966 and a large segment of the African American civil rights movement broke away from white liberal influence.


ADDENDUM II

Recognition of the Murdered

The following is a partial list of those murdered by others seeking continued subjugation of black people from the time of inaction on the Dirksen amendments until the 1968 Fair Housing Act was enacted. It is excerpted from a longer list compiled by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

September 25, 1961 · Liberty, Mississippi

Herbert Lee, who worked with civil rights leader Bob Moses to help register black voters, was killed by a state legislator who claimed self-defense and was never arrested. Louis Allen, a black man who witnessed the murder, was later also killed.

April 9, 1962 · Taylorsville, Mississippi

Cpl. Roman Ducksworth Jr., a military police officer stationed in Maryland, was on leave to visit his sick wife when he was ordered off a bus by a police officer and shot dead. The police officer may have mistaken Ducksworth for a “freedom rider” who was testing bus desegregation laws.

September 30, 1962 · Oxford, Mississippi

Paul Guihard, a reporter for a French news service, was killed by gunfire from a white mob during protests over the admission of James Meredith to the University of Mississippi.

April 23, 1963 · Attalla, Alabama William Lewis Moore, a postman from Baltimore, was shot and killed during a one-man march against segregation. Moore had planned to deliver a letter to the governor of Mississippi urging an end to intolerance.

June 12, 1963 · Jackson, Mississippi Medgar Evers, who directed NAACP operations in Mississippi, was leading a campaign for integration in Jackson when he was shot and killed by a sniper at his home.

September 15, 1963 · Birmingham, Alabama Addie Mae Collins, Denise McNair, Carole Robertson and Cynthia Wesley were getting ready for church services when a bomb exploded at the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, killing all four of the school-age girls. The church had been a center for civil rights meetings and marches.

September 15, 1963 · Birmingham, Alabama Virgil Lamar Ware, 13, was riding on the handlebars of his brother’s bicycle when he was fatally shot by white teenagers. The white youths had come from a segregationist rally held in the aftermath of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing.

January 31, 1964 · Liberty, Mississippi Louis Allen, who witnessed the murder of civil rights worker Herbert Lee, endured years of threats, jailings and harassment. He was making final arrangements to move north on the day he was killed.

March 23, 1964 · Jacksonville, Florida Johnnie Mae Chappell was murdered as she walked along a roadside. Her killers were white men looking for a black person to shoot following a day of racial unrest.

April 7, 1964 · Cleveland, Ohio Rev. Bruce Klunder was among civil rights activists who protested the building of a segregated school by placing their bodies in the way of construction equipment. Klunder was crushed to death when a bulldozer backed over him.

May 2, 1964 · Meadville, Mississippi Henry Hezekiah Dee and Charles Eddie Moore were killed by Klansmen who believed the two were part of a plot to arm blacks in the area. (There was no such plot.) Their bodies were found during a massive search for the missing civil rights workers Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner.

June 21, 1964 · Philadelphia, Mississippi James Earl Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Henry Schwerner, young civil rights workers, were arrested by a deputy sheriff and then released into the hands of Klansmen who had plotted their murders. They were shot, and their bodies were buried in an earthen dam.

JULY 2, 1964 Civil Rights Act

July 18, 1965 · Anniston, Alabama Willie Brewster was on his way home from work when he was shot and killed by white men. The men belonged to the National States Rights Party, a violent neo-Nazi group whose members had been involved in church bombings and murders of blacks.

AUGUST 6, 1965 VOTING RIGHTS ACT

August 20, 1965 · Hayneville, Alabama Jonathan Myrick Daniels, an Episcopal Seminary student in Boston, had come to Alabama to help with black voter registration in Lowndes County. He was arrested at a demonstration, jailed in Hayneville and then suddenly released. Moments after his release, he was shot to death by a deputy sheriff.

January 3, 1966 · Tuskegee, Alabama Samuel Leamon Younge Jr., a student civil rights activist, was fatally shot by a white gas station owner following an argument over segregated restrooms.

January 10, 1966 · Hattiesburg, Mississippi Vernon Ferdinand Dahmer, a wealthy businessman, offered to pay poll taxes for those who couldn’t afford the fee required to vote. The night after a radio station broadcasted Dahmer’s offer, his home was firebombed. Dahmer died later from severe burns.

June 10, 1966 · Natchez, Mississippi Ben Chester White, who had worked most of his life as a caretaker on a plantation, had no involvement in civil rights work. He was murdered by Klansmen who thought they could divert attention from a civil rights march by killing a black person.

July 30, 1966 · Bogalusa, Louisiana Clarence Triggs was a bricklayer who had attended civil rights meetings sponsored by the Congress of Racial Equality. He was found dead on a roadside, shot through the head.

February 27, 1967 · Natchez, Mississippi Wharlest Jackson, the treasurer of his local NAACP chapter, was one of many blacks who received threatening Klan notices at his job. After Jackson was promoted to a position previously reserved for whites, a bomb was planted in his car. It exploded minutes after he left work one day, killing him instantly.

May 12, 1967 · Jackson, Mississippi Benjamin Brown, a former civil rights organizer, was watching a student protest from the sidelines when he was hit by stray gunshots from police who fired into the crowd.

February 8, 1968 · Orangeburg, South Carolina Samuel Ephesians Hammond Jr., Delano Herman Middleton and Henry Ezekial Smith were shot and killed by police who fired on student demonstrators at the South Carolina State College campus.

April 4, 1968 · Memphis, Tennessee Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., a Baptist minister, was a major architect of the Civil Rights Movement. He led and inspired major non-violent desegregation campaigns, including those in Montgomery and Birmingham. He won the Nobel peace prize. He was assassinated as he prepared to lead a demonstration in Memphis.

APRIL 11, 1968 FAIR HOUSING ACT


Want to see and read more?

See more photos of the Glen Echo protests

See more photos of the Arlington restaurant sit-ins

Read about NAG member Dion Diamond and see more images

See more images related to Laurence Henry

Shootings by DC Police Spark Fight Against Brutality 1936-41

20 Apr

A campaign from 1936-41 against police brutality in Washington, D.C. was led by the local National Negro Congress, which built a broad-based coalition. They won a sharp decline in the number of police shootings, a police review board, and new political power in an early civil rights struggle in the city.


Marchers Gather to Protest Police Brutality in DC: 1941

DC rally against police brutality Sept. 14, 1941. Courtesy of the DC Public Library Historical Image Collection. All rights reserved.

By Craig Simpson

Leonard Basey was out with co-workers on the evening of August 30, 1936 enjoying a respite from the work and barracks life in the Civilian Conservation Corps camp located at 26th and M Streets NE in Washington, D.C. The unit was doing the physical labor to build the infrastructure for the National Arboretum.

Basey was part of a group of young enlistees in Company 1360 in camp NA-1-DC, an African American post with white officers.

That night, Basey was walking with five other men from the camp, who were laughing and joking loudly as they walked along M Street toward Bladensburg Road through a predominantly white neighborhood.

Later testifying that he received a phone call from someone disturbed by the noise, police officer Vivian H. Landrum left his home in the neighborhood and approached the youths near 17th and M Streets NE. Landry placed the group under arrest and walked them to a police call box near Bladensburg Road and M Street NE.

When Basey questioned the arrest Landry reportedly responded, “Shut up, and don’t give me too much lip, or I’ll fill you full of lead,” according to a companion’s later testimony reported in the Afro American.

It was then that he “grabbed Basey, who was standing sideways toward him, spun him around and shot him in the abdomen,” said Basey’s companion, according to the same article.

He was just another black man who was the victim of a police murder in Washington, D.C…. or was he?

National Negro Congress

The first national convention of the National Negro Congress (NNC) took place in February of 1936 in Chicago. The NNC was formed to fill the void left by the NAACP’s reliance on a legal and lobbying strategy and would be more of an activist organization, engaging in pickets, protests and direct action to advance the cause of African American rights.

National Negro Congress Leaders at Banquet: 1940

NNC leaders John P. Davis (left) and A. Phillip Randolph (right) in March, 1940.

The NAACP had often placed a greater emphasis on issues of concern to the black elite, while the NNC was based in the black working class and was composed of many local African American union leaders along with a significant section of the black intelligentsia.

The founding Congress contained a relatively small group of activist ministers. Two national board members of the NAACP, Roy Wilkins and Charles Hamilton Houston, also attended. The NAACP as an organization, however, boycotted the group’s formation, although a number of leaders of local chapters attended.

The NNC attracted members with political views across the spectrum, including Democrats, Republicans, socialists and communists. The NNC selected A. Phillip Randolph, the leader of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, as its president and John P. Davis as executive secretary. Its headquarters was established in Washington, D.C.

Local Washington NNC

In contrast to the national convention, the Washington, D.C. chapter almost immediately gained wide representation among the black clergy.  Rev. William H. Jernagin, the former president of the National Race Congress, a previous broad-based African American organization, lived in the city and attended the first NNC convention.

Longtime Rights Leader Rev. William H. Jernagin: 1940 ca

Rev. William H. Jernagin circa 1940.

Jernagin was also a local rights activist and after the convention he persuaded the influential Interdenominational Ministers Alliance to affiliate with the local NNC.

These ministers were quickly able to prevail upon the local Elks, NAACP, the New Negro Alliance and other District of Columbia groups to join with the local NNC either directly or in coalition. A minister, Rev. Arthur D. Gray, was elected president of the local NNC.

The D. C. NNC began taking up issues of race discrimination in employment and the issue of police brutality.

In the Spring of 1936, during a meeting held at the Metropolitan Baptist Church to call for freedom for the “Scottsboro Boys,” Davis called for expanding the cause to fight police brutality in the city.

According to Erik Gellman in Death Blow to Jim Crow, William Hastie, a Howard University professor, told the crowd,

It doesn’t matter whether a person is hanged by an unauthorized mob or by an organized mob known as the law.

The city commissioners and the police department didn’t know it yet, but a new force had risen to challenge police violence.

Newspapers Report Self-Defense

The day after Basey was shot, the Washington Post reported

…Landrum fired at the man when Basey and several others rushed the policeman to prevent his arrest of another man who was with them.

DC National Negro Congress President Rev. Arthur D. Gray: 1940 ca

Washington branch NNC president Rev. Arthur D. Gray.

Basey died September 1 at the Casualty Hospital at 3rd and B Streets SE. The Afro American initially reported as part of a headline, “Policeman Fires as Gang Demands his Prisoner.”

But the official story began to unravel as witnesses came forward.

In testimony before a coroner’s jury inquest on September 3, white witnesses testified that Landrum was surrounded and did not draw his gun until after the group reached the call box.

One 11-year-old white youth said “Basey had his arm drawn back as if to strike Landrum when he was shot,” according to the Afro American. But the youth admitted that Landrum and another white man had talked to him the following day about being a witness for the defense.

When Landrum himself testified, he contradicted the white witnesses and admitted that the group did not surround him and he drew his service weapon as soon as the group was arrested.

‘Vision’ Flashed Through Policeman’s Mind

He also testified that the reason none of the youths struck him was because he fired his weapon when “a vision of officer Kennedy at Truxton Circle flashed through my mind.” He was referring to a police slaying by three youths at Logan Circle in 1932.

A later letter to the Washington Post characterized Landrum’s testimony thusly,

The officers’ tale resembled that of the sportsman who arrested for catching black bass out of season, maintained that he had taken the fish in self-defense, since they had jumped out of the water and bitten him.

African American CCC Camp Under Construction: 1934

CCC Camp NA-1-DC under construction in 1934.

Landrum’s testimony and that of other defense witnesses was disputed by the other CCC youths, but also by white CCC camp commander Richmond Bowen, who came on the scene shortly before the shooting. A white gas station attendant also testified he was about 40 feet from the group and heard Landrum tell them, “Shut up unless you want some of it too.”

The first inquest jury, composed of four whites and one black person, deadlocked 4-1 in Landrum’s favor and a mistrial was declared.

A second inquest held September 6 heard 29 witnesses give essentially the same testimony, but at 10 pm returned with an inexplicable verdict exonerating Landrum.

We believe the said V. Harry Landrum discharged his gun when he believed his life was in jeopardy, such a belief being initiated by a mental process and not by any overt act or acts on the part of those under arrest.

Press Ramps Up Outrage

NNC executive secretary John P. Davis and A. S. Pinkett, head of the local NAACP, immediately called for the district attorney to ask a grand jury to indict Landrum for the killing and for a police trial board to be convened to dismiss Landrum from the force.

DC Killer Cop is Free: 1936

‘Killer Cop Free.’ Afro American, Sept. 12, 1936.

But the case really began to take on a life of its own when the Afro American published its story September 12 under the headline “KILLER-COP FREE.”

The Afro printed a dramatic report that,

Lawrence Basey was the fortieth colored person shot to death by Metropolitan police since 1925. Every officer involved has been exonerated. Most of the victims were under 21 years of age.

Adam Lapin of the Washington bureau of the Daily Worker jumped on the story.  The Afro shared their research with Lapin so he could detail the victims’ names, dates of death, ages, and officers involved.

Afro Lists Victims of DC Police Killings: 1936

List of the slain. Afro, Oct. 17, 1936.

The national Communist Party paper published the statistics and an accompanying story where Lapin gave additional details on some of the deaths, writing that all forty cases “are similar, indeed, all the police murders of Negroes in Washington follow the same pattern.”

For one example, Lapin wrote,

On December 9, 1933, Policeman Wallace M. Suthard shot in the abdomen and killed Robert Lewis, a Negro worker who had been placed under arrest suspected of breaking into a home. Suthard claimed that he shot in self-defense because Lewis reached for a gun. No gun was found on the dead man.

A furor directed at Washington’s police erupted. Other newspapers around the country, particularly the African American press, began to run stories about the police shootings.

Officials Refuse to Act

Evidence came out during the inquest that Landrum had a past record of shooting at CCC workers and had beaten another African American some years before without justification.

The NNC held a protest meeting at the YMCA at 1816 12th Street NW attended by several hundred people. The NNC called for Landrum’s immediate suspension and for his indictment on murder charges. The group said that Landrum “requires the attention of a psychiatrist” because the officer believed that black people were inherently violent.

Despite the outcry, District Attorney Leslie C. Garnett refused to bring charges against Landrum before a grand jury, telling Lapin he was “not interested in the case,” according to the Chicago Defender.

A. S. Pinkett, the local NAACP secretary, said in a statement,

Thus we have the picture of a policeman arresting men for being disorderly, when there was no disorder; the shooting to death of one of them by the arresting officer; a meaningless verdict by a coroner’s jury and lastly the refusal by the District Attorney to lay the facts before a grand jury.

YE GODS! And colored persons are expected to have faith in their governmental machinery.

The Chicago Defender reported that a few minutes after interviewing Superintendent of Police Major Ernest W. Brown, Lapin announced that,

Major Brown made it perfectly clear despite his professions of sympathy for the colored people that he is opposed to a Congressional investigation or any kind of investigation of police brutality. He won’t even undertake one himself.

The Afro American published an editorial on October 31 saying,

Citizens ought to keep pounding away at Major Brown’s door in an effort to find out whether the police chief sees any connection between the Afro American’s list of fifty deaths, forty of them colored youths, at the hands of quick-trigger white policemen here in the past ten years, and the fact that nearly half of these killings have occurred during his term of office.

We believe they could make him understand that four years is long enough to ‘get away with murder.’

With the issue still boiling in November, the District of Columbia commissioners refused to release data on police killings to the American Civil Liberties Union, according to Gardner Jackson, a representative of the group.

Unable to contain the broadening protests, authorities finally responded by retiring Landrum on a pension. On November 14, 1936, the police department announced during a conference with brutality opponents that Landrum is “mentally and physically unfit for further duty as an officer,” according to the Afro.

Rev. Ernest. C. Smith: 1940 ca

Rev. E. C. Smith (shown circa 1940) lobbied for a Congressional investigation.

Fight Against Brutality Broadens

The city commissioners and the police superintendent may have thought the issue would go away with Landrum’s retirement, but the local Negro Congress continued to pound away.

The city of Washington, D.C.’s affairs were overseen directly by the U.S. Congress, to an even greater extent than today, and in 1937 the NNC began lobbying for a House subcommittee investigation…

…to determine whether and to what extent the use of unnecessary and unlawful use of force by police officers…have become a menace to life, liberty and the general security within the District of Columbia.

The group also organized an effort to lobby for an African American magistrate in the District. The NNC, NAACP, Elks, Afro American, YMCA, Interdenominational Ministers Alliance, Howard University and the Washington Bar Association, along with other groups, lobbied local D.C. officials and President Franklin Roosevelt’s administration.

To ramp up the pressure for a congressional investigation, the alliance named itself the Joint Committee for Civil Rights in the District of Columbia and sponsored a series of weekly radio broadcasts on local station WOL. It was another new tactic in the fight for civil rights in the city.

In an account by the Afro of the second broadcast on March 23, 1937, John P. Davis reminded the listeners of the exoneration of police officer Landrum in Lawrence Basey’s death:

I want you to realize the meaning of such a verdict. A coroner’s jury has held that an officer who has a mental fear for his life has a right to kill another person who has done nothing to cause that fear, who is not armed, and who has submitted peacefully to arrest.

Sociologist E. Franklin Frazier: 1947

E. Franklin Frazier (shown in 1947) was among the leaders of the anti-brutality fight in 1937.

In April 1937, a meeting was held under the banner of the Joint Committee at the Metropolitan Baptist Church protesting three more police killings in recent months. At the meeting William C. Hueston, education director for the Elks, called for organized action to “stop this ruthless brutality on the part of the police,” reported the Atlanta Daily World.

Other prominent leaders included John P. Davis, Judge William Hastie, Rev. William Jernigan, Julia West Hamilton, Rev. E. C. Smith, Dr. E. Franklin Frazier and John C. Bruce. Similar meetings were soon organized around the city while radio broadcasts on the issue continued.

Howard U Dean of Women Lucy Slowe

Lucy Slowe was among those acting as a judge at the mock police brutality trial.

Put Police on Trial

In May the protest effort culminated with a “public trial” of Washington’s “killer cops” at the John Wesley A. M. E. Zion Church. The trial “provided a complete picture of the lawless police terror which has reigned in Washington for the past ten years,” according to the Chicago Defender.

John P. Davis of the National Negro Congress presided. Judges included Major Campbell Johnson, secretary of the YMCA; Lucy Slowe, dean of women at Howard University; Rev. Robert W. Brooks, pastor of the Lincoln Congregational Temple; the Rev. Stephen Gill Spottswood; William C. Hueston, commissioner of education of the Elks; and Dr. Victor Tulane, chemistry professor at Howard University.

Those prosecuting the case included George E. C. Hayes, of Cobb, Howard and Hayes; George A. Parker, dean of the Terrell Law School; and Edward P. Lovett, of Houston and Houston.

Major Campbell Johnson in His Office: 1942

Major Campbell Johnson was another judge in the mock police brutality trial.

“Eyewitnesses to numerous unpunished police murders, citizens who have been beaten by the police and leaders of civic associations and newspaper men who have investigated police brutality gave evidence,” according to the Chicago Defender.

Hundreds had attended each of the previous meetings and even more turned out for the trial, which included a number of whites in attendance and testifying as witnesses.

“This event demonstrated the new-style tactics of the NNC: with the theatrics in front of a large public audience, the mock trial showed how the District ought to protect citizenship rights through democratic governance,” Gellman wrote in “Death Blow to Jim Crow.”

No Victory Yet

But since many in Congress overseeing District affairs had few African American constituents, there was little interest on Capitol Hill in investigating police brutality in the city.

The White House put out trial balloons for the vacant judge position for two men: Hobart Newman, a young white attorney, and William L. Houston, founder of the firm Houston & Houston, whose son Charles was leading the NAACP legal defense effort.

However, local white officials nixed Houston’s nomination and the Roosevelt administration put forward Newman’s name for the position.

The brutality continued through the winter of 1937-38.  Incidents included the beating of a Howard University student by police and the assault by police on a black man and his wife when the man did not move his parked car fast enough. Police shot a twenty-year old African American man to death when he fled a traffic accident.

Police Shoot WWI Vet in Home: 1938

Afro American March 19, 1938 photo of Leroy Keys and the house where he was slain.

New Killing Sparks New Protests

On March 8, 1938 a distraught and delusional African American World War I veteran was making noise at his sister’s house at 2470 Ontario Road NW. When police arrived Leroy Keys began shouting at them, apparently believing they were German troops.

Keys threw small household objects through the window towards the police. Two police officers opened fire and shot him dead, despite the pleas of his sister that he needed help.

Rights groups demanded charges against the two police officers, calling the shootings “wanton and unwarranted,” and said police should have used tear gas or water to subdue the clearly disturbed man, according to the Afro American.

Two coroner’s juries deadlocked and a grand jury refused to indict.

The Afro wrote, “We think Hitler is a tyrant and a brute, a ruffian and a cur. We detest him for the way he is crushing the Jew [but] don’t forget that there is a man right here at home who has his heel on our neck.”

Thirty-six organizations joined the Keys campaign, including the United Federal Workers, which called it an “urbanized form of lynching.” Invited in to the coalition, the local Communist Party (CP) began holding open-air meetings around the city.

Martin Chancey, local CP secretary, told a gathering at 10th & U Streets NW that

We don’t hear of lynchings in Washington in the same manner as in Georgia or Alabama, but lynchings are perpetrated by those who are supposed to protect human life and property–the members of the District police force.

Chancey went on to demand suspension of the two officers involved in Keys’ death according to the Afro.

As the campaign picked up steam, another African American was shot by a police officer, this time over a bag of food.

Shot in the Back

In the early morning hours of Sunday, June 26, officer John Sobolewski saw Wallace McKnight walking north on 15th Street near Massachusetts Avenue NW carrying a package under his arm.

According to Sobolewski’s testimony, he stopped McKnight and questioned him. During the interrogation, McKnight ran away, according to Sobolewski, and he [Sobolewski] opened fire.

McKnight was shot in the back, the bullet passing through his liver, and he died the next day. The package contained a chicken, a pound of butter, a dozen oranges, two pounds of bacon, a dozen bananas, several dozens eggs and some other fruit.  McKnight worked at a restaurant on the 1700 block of K Street NW not far from where he was shot.

The Rev. Robert W. Brooks observed, “Because of the record of the police department for the last eleven years, McKnight not knowing what officer John Sobolewski might do, took [his] chances on running away,” according to the Afro.

Coroner’s Jury Orders Cop Held

Police Commissioner Melvin C. Hazen tried to head off the gathering storm on June 27 by suspending Sobolewski and ordering an investigation of the McKnight shooting and a re-opening of the Keys death matter.

He also ordered a daily roll call reading of police rules on the use of revolvers. It stated: “Members of the force shall not use their revolvers except in the most urgent cases and then only in such a manner as will not jeopardize the lives of innocent people.”

The shifting public opinion also had an effect this time at the coroner’s jury. Police Lieutenant Arthur C. Belt, commanding officer of the Third Precinct on the night of the shooting, tried to save Sobolewski by telling the jury, “I would have done the same thing under the circumstances.” But his statement only added fuel to the fire.

A packed hearing room erupted in outrage at Belt’s statement and the coroner’s jury deliberated only 10 minutes before ordering Sobolewski held for grand jury action.

Edward Felder Urges Police Chief’s Firing During Brutality Protests: 1938

Edward Felder speaking to crowd of 2,000 at 9th & Rhode Island Ave. NW on July 8, 1938. Courtesy of the Afro American, all rights reserved.

Communists Organize March

With only a little over a week’s planning, the local Communist Party organized a march on July 8th beginning at 10th & U Streets NW, led by a car carrying Mollie McKnight, the widow of the slain Wallace McKnight. The local NNC, the New Negro Alliance and other coalition partners endorsed the march, but it was the communists who led the event.

The crowd heard Communist Party speakers including Martin Chancey, Tansell Butler and Calvin Cousins. Police were present and seized signs calling for chief Brown’s ouster, but the crowd made up for this strong arm tactic with their later chants.

Kids Swarm Widow’s Car During Police Brutality Protest: 1938

Children gather on the auto that carried the widow Mollie McKnight during the police brutality demonstration July 8, 1938. Courtesy of the Afro American, all rights reserved.

Over 2,000 people, of whom about 20% were white, marched and chanted “Major Brown Must Go,” “Police Brutality Must Stop,” “Everybody Join the Parade,” and “Stop Legal Lynching.”

Estimates of those who lined the streets ranged from 10,000 to 15,000. They watched marchers carrying signs like, “You May Be Next,” “Stop Police Murders,” “Compensation for Police Victims” and “Washington is not Scottsboro.”

The march ended at Rhode Island Avenue and 9th Street NW. A second rally was held there and speakers including Edward Felder of the Young Communist League urged the firing of Major Brown.

Resolutions adopted at the rally included calls for the suspension and trials of six police officers, appointing representatives of African Americans, civil organizations and labor to the panel of D.C. Commissioners, an impartial investigation into police killings, and compensation to victims’ families.

National marches for civil rights had been held previously in the city in 1922 over lynching and 1933 over the “Scottsboro Boys.”  However, this marked the first mass action in the streets of a significant size over a local African American issue in Washington since the 1919 picketing over the Moen’s school child abuse case.

First White Officer Indicted

In mid-July, the grand jury indicted Sobolewski for manslaughter. The Afro American reported it was the first time in D.C. history that a white policeman was charged in the death of a black person.

The National Negro Congress followed up the Communist Party-led march and demands by organizing a conference of over 100 organizations at the Lincoln Temple Congregational Church on July 31.

Negro Congress Leader Doxey Wilkerson at Town Hall Radio: 1942

Doxey Wilkerson (2nd from left).

The meeting was presided over by Rev. Arthur Gray in preparation for a mass meeting to be held the next day. Among the principal NNC speakers were Doxey Wilkerson of Howard University, former judge James A. Cobb, and former judge William C. Hueston.

Alphaeus Hunton, a Howard University professor, outlined eight proposed demands to be adopted at the mass meeting. They included removal of Major Brown; denial of pension rights to former officer Vivian Landrum, who had killed Leonard Basey two years earlier; suspension and trial for officers involved in shootings and recent brutality; public hearings on police brutality; and compensation for victims.

Ministers Rally 1,200

The next day, 1,200 rallied at the Vermont Avenue Baptist Church under the auspices of the Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance, where the pastor C. T. Murray presided.

John P. Davis, national secretary of the National Negro Congress, as quoted in the Washington Post, spoke of the “terror of urban lynching” which led to an “intolerable state of affairs” as “unwarranted beatings and needless killings were perpetrated by the police.”

NAACP Counsel Charles H. Houston Speaks: 1940 ca.

Charles Hamilton Houston.

Charles Hamilton Houston, counsel to the NAACP, blamed the lack of voting rights of citizens in the District and pledged legal services to help fight police brutality.

The National Negro Congress also announced a petition drive to seek 50,000 signatures to President Franklin Roosevelt and Congress.  A collection of $170 was taken up by Rev. William Jernagin from the ministerial alliance to be divided equally between Mollie McKnight and the NNC.

The petition campaign brought new allies into the fight.  The Washington Insurance Underwriters Association pledged 5,000 signatures to be collected through its 55 agents. The American Civil Liberties Union, the American League for Peace and Democracy, and the United Federal Employees also established committees to seek signatures.

The coalition organized “flying squadrons” that went house to house seeking signatures. Both black and white ministers conducted Sunday sermons across the city to popularize the cause.

Sobolewski was acquitted of manslaughter after two hours of deliberation by an all-white jury in September. In addition, Sobolewski was also brought before a re-constituted police trial board in September where he was again exonerated. The two officers who shot Leroy Keys were also cleared of charges by a police trial board.

However, despite the coroner’s jury verdicts, the grand jury failure to act, an acquittal at trial, and the police trial board whitewashes, change was in the air in Washington.

A Year Free of Police Killings

On June 26, 1939, one year after McKnight was killed, the NNC held a meeting at the Second Baptist Church at 3rd & I Streets NW attended by 1,500 people and hailed “a year free of police killings.”

National Negro Congress leader John P. Davis: 1940 ca.

John Preston Davis.

The meeting was presided over by local NNC president Rev. Arthur Gray.  Police superintendent Major Ernest W. Brown also spoke, trying to assure the group that he took the issue seriously. Other speakers included John P. Davis, Rev. J. L. S. Holloman of the Interdenominational Ministers Alliance, and Eugene Davidson of the New Negro Alliance.

The Washington Tribune saluted the work and said the “job could not have been done had it not been for the tireless energy and leadership the National Negro Congress gave to other organizations in this fight against police crimes on the Negro people of Washington.”

Rev. Gray, the D.C. NNC president, said after the campaign that the new trial board for police officers made a difference, according to Gellman’s book. The board obtained some suspensions and indictments against several police officers and Gray said, “The number of incidents has markedly decreased.”

A. Phillip Randolph Speaks at 1940 Negro Congress Convention

A. Phillip Randolph speaking at the 1940 National Negro Congress convention.

NNC Weakened

During 1939-40, the NNC was weakened by a campaign by U.S. Rep. Martin Dies (D-TX) to smear the group as a communist organization.  Then, in 1940, the president of the NNC, A. Phillip Randolph, refused to stand for re-election at the group’s Washington, D.C. national convention after delegates approved a resolution condemning the “imperialist war” in Europe and another calling for closer ties to the unions of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).

The NNC’s broad political umbrella was broken. Randolph was president of the AFL Sleeping Car Porters and his departure left the NNC without its most prominent leader. The Dies attack and Randolph’s withdrawal caused a number of organizations, clergy and others to drift away.

Even with its weakened state at the national level, the organization continued to wage an effective campaign in the city to desegregate defense-related employment throughout most of World War II. Further, despite the friction at the national level, the Washington, D.C. NNC continued relatively strong relationships with both the NAACP and the clergy at the local level.

Renewed Brutality in Washington

However, as time passed the initial success achieved during the 1938 police brutality campaign began to fade.

Protests spread to the Capitol Police force after the shooting and wounding of 10-year-old Fred Walker Jr. in the Senate Office Building on June 24, 1940. Sergeant Vernon Deus was quickly suspended while rights leaders demanded his dismissal and prosecution.

A month later the NNC, along with the Elks, several churches, the NAACP and the Washington Committee for Democratic Action, held a series of protest meetings against police brutality in the 4th police precinct in the city.

Over 100 people attended a mass meeting at the Zion Baptist Church at 333 F Street SW on July 18. Leaders, including pastor A. Joseph Edwards, condemned police for intimidation of African Americans in the precinct against attending the rally.

At another rally at the Mount Lebanon Church at 814 25th Street NW on July 29, Dr. C. Herbert Marshall, local NAACP president, urged African Americans to “stick together” to achieve the rally’s purpose, to “stop the cops from beating Negroes,” according to the Washington Post.

The broad coalition against brutality, now re-named the Citizens Committee Against Police Brutality, took up the issue of a laundry workers’ strike at the Arcane-Sunshine Company, where police intervened on the side of strike breakers and beat pickets with their clubs.

On April 30, police officer Francis E. Davis arrested Robert Gray for disorderly conduct near 13th & Q Streets NW. According to Davis, Gray struck him and ran from the scene and when Davis caught up to him a scuffle ensued. Davis then shot Gray twice in the abdomen and Gray later died.

A coroner’s jury quickly cleared Davis, but the NNC demanded that the case be presented to a grand jury.

Three More Killed by Police

Three more African American men were shot to death by police officers in early August.  Police sergeant John Leach came upon an apparent robbery in an alley near the 1300 block of Ninth Street NW. Leach testified that Clarence Whitby struck him and fled, then Leach fired two shots, one striking Whitby and killing him.

Just days later, police officer Donald R. Webber came upon two men in an alley near 14th and Florida Avenue NW, standing beside an automobile.  Webber testified later that when he demanded a driver’s license from the two brothers they told him, “We don’t have to show you our driver’s permit,” according to the Washington Post.

During his testimony before a coroner’s jury, Webber testified he shot Jasper and Edward Cobb August 4 after he tried to place Jasper under arrest for being drunk and the two resisted. There were no other witnesses to the shooting, although Edward Cobb said before he died that he intervened in the arrest when Webber began beating his brother.

Longtime NNC nemesis police chief Maj. Ernest W. Brown was forced to retire just days after the three killings. Brown’s retirement was only tangentially related to the police brutality issue and was mainly due to Congressional concern over District crime rates and an internal police spying scandal.

But Brown’s departure also marked an opportunity for the anti-brutality coalition when Edward J. Kelly was named chief from among several internal candidates. Kelly had enemies within the department and needed broad political support to succeed as its head.

Stephen Gill Spottswood: 1940 ca

Rev. Stephen Gill Spottswood.

More than 1,500 jammed the John Wesley A.M.E.Z. Church August 17 for the funeral of the Cobb brothers. Rev. Stephen Gill Spottswood, pastor of the church declared, “this is not a funeral service, it is a mass meeting, protesting this occurrence,” according to the Afro American.

Spottswood continued, “They are but symbols, these two men, typical of what might happen to any of us, to you or to me. We must cooperate in decisive action to demonstrate our interest in the freedom of black men and women in the nation’s capital.”

Even as outrage against the killings was building during the month of August, coroners’ juries exonerated all the police officers in the three deaths.

Protests Escalate Again

In September, the Citizens Committee Against Police Brutality in Washington called for mass protest.

Crowd Listens to Speakers at Rally Against DC Police Brutality: 1941

Over 1,100 rally at the Metropolitan Baptist Church Sept. 7, 1941. D.C. Public Library Historic Image Collection. All rights reserved.

At the Metropolitan Baptist Church on the 1200 block of R Street NW, a crowd estimated by the Afro American at 2,000 (the FBI estimated 1,100) gathered on September 7th to hear a wide array of speakers denounce police violence.

Doxey Wilkerson, an NNC leader and Howard University professor, presided at the meeting and called the police the enforcers of a system where black people “were segregated in living conditions and public affairs and also discrimination in employment,” according to Gellman.

Wilkerson added, “Police brutality used to be considered a local problem, today it must be viewed in terms of world significance. Police brutality and racial discrimination are part and parcel of this evil we are fighting on an international front,” the Afro American reported.

Hugh Miller, white leader of the Washington Committee for Democratic Action, said “the problems of the Negro were also the problems of the white” and urged the group to fight “Hitler’s theory” of “racial superiority” demonstrated by the killings, according to Gellman’s account.

John P. Davis, the national NNC leader, demanded permanent reforms in the department, shouting, “Don’t take no for an answer,” according to Gellman.

DC Police Chief Kelly Speaks at Anti-Brutality Rally: 1941

DC police chief Kelly speaks at anti-brutality rally on Sept. 7, 1941. D.C. Public Library Historic Images Collection. All rights reserved.

Wilkerson then introduced the new police chief Major Kelly, who addressed the crowd. “As long as I am head of the police department, I will not tolerate violence against any citizen or against any police officer,” he declared, according to the Afro American.

Kelly evaded calls for grand jury action against the officers involved in the three killings by saying he was not in charge at the time and urging the crowd to lobby the district attorney, but agreed with adding civilians to the police review board

Kelly also supported hiring additional African American officers, promoting an African American to captain and ending the police practice of holding people without specific charges.

It was a remarkable achievement for the group to have the police chief at the meeting and respond favorably to specific demands.

Following Kelly, a quartet from the United Cafeteria Workers Local 471 sang spirituals.

J. Finley Wilson, leader of the Elks, led off the second half of the rally saying that government protection of African American soldiers and civilians was necessary before the Elks would “battle and defend America and make it safe for the black and white under the ‘Stars and Stripes,” according to Gellman’s account.

Other speakers included Rev. L. Collins, Curtis Mitchell, Rev. E. C. Smith, pastor of the Metropolitan Baptist Church, and Jack Zucker, representing the Washington Industrial Council.

The rally ended with a call for marches through the streets of Washington the following week that would converge for a single rally against police brutality.

Four Marches Through the City

Protesting DC Police Brutality in Washington: 1941

One of four simultaneous marches marking each victim, Sept. 14, 1941. D.C. Public Library Historic Images Collection. All rights reserved.

A week later on September 14, four marches from different points in the city got underway involving an estimated 2,000 total participants. Each march was dedicated to one of the four recent victims.

Signs carried by protestors included, “Old Jim Crow Has Got to Go,” “Protect Our Civil Rights” and “Police Brutality is a Disgrace to the Nation’s Capital.” A hearse and an undertaker’s automobile carried signs in memory of persons shot in recent months by the police.

The treks converged at 10th and U Streets NW for a rally where about 500 remained to hear a number of speakers including Alphaeus Hunton, professor at Howard University, who reiterated the six demands put forth at the rally that were developed at the previous week’s meeting.

Demands included holding police officer Webber for grand jury action in the Cobb brothers shooting, internal police action to curb brutality, a citizens trial board to replace the current police board, appointment of 50 African American police officers, charges to be placed immediately against anyone arrested, and compensation to be granted dependents of those killed by the police.

Rev. Frank Alstork of the Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance argued for a peaceful solution but warned, “he who lives by the sword will perish by the sword,” according to the Washington Post.

CIO Union Speaks Against DC Police Brutality: 1941

Craig Vincent of the CIO speaks at anti-police brutality rally, Sept. 14, 1941. D.C. Public Library Historic Images Collection. All rights reserved.

Dorothy Strange of the National Negro Congress and the police brutality committee urged the crowd to sign and circulate a petition to be sent to the District government and the police department with the six demands.

Other speakers were Henry Thomas of the CIO United Construction Workers, Craig Vincent of the local CIO Industrial Council and Frank Donner, chair of the case committee of the brutality group.

In closing the rally, Doxey Wilkerson led chants of “Police Brutality has got to go” with the loudest for “Old Jim Crow has got to go,” according to the Afro American.

Aftermath

The U.S. entered World War II in December 1941 after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and  the subsequent German declaration of war.

The local NNC was weakened shortly afterwards when the National Negro Congress moved its headquarters to New York. In addition, Alphaeus Hunton, a key organizer behind the scenes, also moved to New York City. In 1943 Doxey Wilkerson, another local NNC leader, quit his post at Howard University to take a position with the Maryland Communist Party.

Rally Against DC Police Brutality on U Street: 1941

Crowd begins gather at 10th & U St. NW for anti-brutality rally, Sept. 14, 1941. DC Public Library Historic Image Collection. All rights reserved.

Other NNC organizers entered the armed services. The local NNC continued the fight for integration of war-related industries.  Mass protest activities continued up to the march demanding hiring of African American operators at Capital Transit in May 1943.

While large-scale actions faltered after this point, the local NNC continued to press for rights throughout the war and resumed larger protest activities after GIs began returning after the war ended in 1945.

The police brutality campaign marked a new chapter in the African American struggle for rights in the city. Charles Hamilton Houston of the NAACP summed up the police brutality campaign by writing,

The persistent and forceful campaign, which the Washington Council [of the National Negro Congress] and allied organizations have waged against police brutality in Washington, has been one of the most significant battles for civil rights and personal freedom and security ever conducted in the District of Columbia.

While this campaign achieved some limited reforms and curbed some of the more egregious police brutality, the lasting contribution may have been to bring new forms of mass protest to the local Washington, D.C. civil rights struggle, much as the Scottsboro campaign had done on a national scale just a few years previously.

This post was updated April 21, 2013 to reflect that officer Sobolewski was acquitted of manslaughter in the death of Wallace McKnight.


Author’s notes:

The five-year campaign against police brutality united the disparate elements among African Americans into a single unified local coalition that lasted for a significant span of time.

The effort produced both institutional reforms and an overall reduction in brutality.  Just as importantly, the campaign moved the local civil rights struggle beyond mass meetings in churches and small picket lines into mass marches in the streets. The campaign also used creative tactics from investigative reporting to utilization of radio broadcasts.

The mock trial of police practices involved every strata of the local African American community and attracted significant support from whites as well. Building off the “Scottsboro Boys” campaign, the NNC used a petition campaign to involve those unable or reluctant to join the protest activities.

The Dies Committee designated the National Negro Congress, which led the campaign, as a communist dominated organization in 1941.  Again, in the late 1940s, it was called a communist front group by the Truman administration.

The truth was significantly different. The Washington, D.C. NNC was a truly broad based organization that worked well with other rights organizations in the city.  In addressing its broad character, Thelma Dale, a youth leader and NNC member in Washington, D.C. said in a 2003 interview with Erik Gellman,

Sunday Worker on Sale at Rally Against DC Police Brutality: 1941

A woman sells the Communist Party’s Sunday Worker at an anti-brutality rally  Sept. 14, 1941. D.C. Public Library Historic Image Collection. All rights reserved.

“In Washington in the fight against police brutality, were we going to put a circle around a Communist? Martin Chancey…the head of the Communist Party in Washington, D.C. functioned fully openly. So, who were we to turn them away? We didn’t.”

For activists today, the issue of how to work independently and in coalition with others who hold different viewpoints is just as complex as it was during this era. While conditions faced are vastly different, the same questions arise.

The 1938 police brutality campaign perhaps illustrates how divergent groups can work separately, but also function together around a common goal.

During the campaign organizations independently organized around the brutality issue in the communities, but also worked within the coalition together to strengthen the broad campaign and present a united front. Those on the left did so even when they thought the demands put forward by the coalition were limited and the tactics passive.  Likewise, participants who opposed left-wing political views and sometimes their militant tactics welcomed their help in building a campaign around the brutality issue.

In this instance, it produced an ongoing movement that began to break down the worst aspects of Jim Crow in the city.

Sources for this article include Erik Gellman’s book Death Blow to Jim CrowThe Chicago Defender, The Washington Post, The Afro American, The Atlanta Daily World, The Washington Herald, The Washington Star and The Crisis. 


Craig Simpson is a former Secretary-Treasurer of Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 and has a BA in labor studies from the National Labor College. He can be contacted by email at washington_area_spark@yahoo.com.


Related Posts:

“Scottsboro Boys” – New Tactics & Strategy for Civil Rights
The Fight Against Jim Crow at Capital Transit
A DC Labor & Civil Rights Leader Remembered: Marie Richardson


Police Break Up Unemployed Protest at White House: 1930

26 Feb

Police at the White House broke up a protest by the unemployed on March 6, 1930. The demonstration was part of the first nationwide protest response to the Great Depression that had begun the previous fall.

Protests were held in Detroit, New York, Baltimore, Chicago, Boston, Milwaukee, Seattle, Las Angeles and San Francisco among other cities. Demonstrations were also held on the same day in cities around the world.

Blacks, Whites Protest Job Losses: 1930 No. 1

Pickets arrive at the White House, March 6, 1930. Photo courtesy of the LIbrary of Congress.

The clash began when District of Columbia local Communist Party leader William “Bert” Lawrence stopped and began to speak to the crowd, police in street clothes attacked him. Uniformed police then assaulted the picketers and bystanders with tear gas and black jacks. Some the protestors fought back against the police.

Some reports said President Herbert Hoover watched the demonstration from the White House windows along with a delegation from the District of Columbia Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR), while other reports had his wife watching along with the DAR.

The District of Columbia Communist Party and allied groups began preparations in the city for weeks before and police responded by arresting 10 people on April 30 for holding soapbox style speeches on the street corners near the Communist Party headquarters at 1337 7th Street NW. Similar meetings and police harassment took place at the Women’s Christian Temperance Union statue at 7th Street and Pennsylvania Ave. NW.

Unemployment Rally in DC: 1930

Meeting at 1337 7th St. NW prior to picketing, March 6, 1930. From the Library of Congress

The communists and along with others held a rally the night before at the Communist Party headquarters where speeches were given and signs were made for the next day’s demonstration. The main themes were demands for good jobs, against police brutality, Jim Crow schools in the District and lynching.

Among the organizers were Lawrence, Solomon Harper of the International Labor Defense and Edith Briscoe of the Young Communist League.

Briscoe was among those arrested at the White House picket line after she jumped on the back of a police officer he was getting ready to strike an African American demonstrator. Lawrence was detained and charged with speaking in a public place without permission.

Harper was arrested for disorderly conduct, but was acquitted. He still faced charges from an outdoor speech he gave the night before condemning the lynching of sixty-year-old Laura Wood at Barber Junction in North Carolina.

Tear Gas Quells Reds: Washington Post 1930

Jobless pickets are the lead story for the Washington Post, March 7, 1930.

Public demonstrations of this type were fairly infrequent at that time and public protests involving blacks and whites even more infrequent.

The picket in front of the White House was held with blacks and whites locking arms while picketing. Press reports estimated that several thousand nearby office workers came out to watch. The newspapers also indicate that 13 picketers were arrested with an unknown number of injured, but only one that required hospital treatment.

The demonstrations made front-page news and were the lead stories in the Washington Post and Baltimore Sun and helped put the Communist Party at the forefront of the fight against unemployment and racial discrimination in the District for the next decade.


To see still photos of the March 6, 1930 demonstration, go to the Washington Area Spark Flickr site.

The photos in the short video are courtesy of the Library of Congress. The video clips were originally from Sherman Grinberg, but are believed to be in the public domain. The clips were misidentified as part of the the 1932 bonus march in a Newsreel production. The Library of Congress has mis-dated some of the photos to a period earlier than they actually were taken.

Note: This post was updated February 28.

DC Police Raid 1948 Fundraiser by Progressive Party Supporters

6 Mar
Demonstration Protests DC Police Raid on Veterans Dance: 1948

Civil Rights Congress protests police raids in 1948. Courtesy, DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

By Craig Simpson

In the fall of 1948, Washington police for the second time broke up an interracial gathering when they raided a political fundraiser at the Laborers’ Union Hall at 525 New Jersey Avenue, NW, and arrested seven people and detained two-dozen others.

About 350 people were attending the dance that began Saturday night October 9, and continued past midnight. It was sponsored by the United Negro and Allied Veterans of America to support the Progressive Party campaigns of Henry Wallace for President and Dr. John E. T. Camper for Congress in Maryland’s Fourth District. The election was a mere three weeks away when this raid occurred.

When the police entered the union hall, the band struck up “The Star Spangled Banner,” which momentarily halted the police. But when the last notes faded away, police began herding attendees into lines. The crowd responded by singing Progressive Party songs.

“They [the police] brought in a batch of index cards and police would copy the names down on the index cards and several times they would jot down the source of the identification papers,” according to the Washington Daily News.

About two dozen people refused to give their names and were detained, taken to police headquarters and eventually released after establishing their identity. The Washington Herald published their names and addresses in the next day’s newspaper.

It was almost two years into the post-World War II “red scare” and the dominos were falling at the local level.

Future Progressive Party Presidential Candidate Henry A Wallace: 1939

Henry Wallace in 1939. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Progressive Party Fights Tide

Henry Wallace’s third-party campaign for president was a reaction to President Harry Truman’s move to the right following Franklin Roosevelt’s death and the end of World War II in 1945.  Wallace stood for peaceful relations with the Soviet Union, repeal of the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act, universal health insurance, and civil rights.

Wallace refused to appear in segregated halls in the south and was often attacked with eggs and vegetables during campaign appearances. When his opponents tried to shout him down at political rallies, supporters would drown them out with labor and civil rights songs.

Dr. Camper was an African American physician who devoted his life to racial justice in Baltimore. He organized a group of African American physicians into  MeDeSo (Medical-Dental Society), which helped provide the funding for many civil rights suits, including Brown v. Board of Education.

Baltimore Civil Rights Activist Dr. John E. T. Camper

Civil rights activist Dr. John E. T. Camper in an undated photo.

Along with Juanita Jackson Mitchell, he organized a 1942 march on Annapolis by 2,000 protesters demanding civil rights in Maryland. Dr. Camper was also a founder of the Baltimore NAACP.  He was chair of the Baltimore Committee on Non-Segregation, which picketed the whites-only Ford’s Theater in that city for six years until the playhouse desegregated in 1952.

Kicking off his Progressive Party campaign, Camper said in part,

To the workers of the Fourth District who have witnessed the bipartisan attack on our living standards…I say that we stand for repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act, for real price control, for a dollar minimum wage, and for wage increases to meet the rising cost of living.

No resident aware of the shameful betrayal of the Jewish people…and of the callous disregard of the rights of the Negro people can fail to support…Wallace.

Political Motivation Charged

The police denied any political motivations in breaking up the Wallace/Camper fundraiser and said they were just conducting a raid where illegal alcohol was being served.

However, the invitations to the party were under the names of Henry Thomas, leader of Laborer’s Local 74, who had helped lead police brutality protests earlier in the decade, Edward Fisher of Cafeteria Workers Local 471 that had engaged in the 11-week strike earlier caused by Cold War politics, and William Johnson of Local 209 of the Cooks, Pastry and Kitchen Workers union and a long-time civil rights leader in the city.

Among those arrested at the Laborer’s hall were Winston Edwards, national chairman of the veterans’ organization and Sidney Goldreich, acting chairman of Veterans for Wallace.

Local Progressive Party chair Clark Foreman, who was also national treasurer of the organization, said police broke up “parties composed of white people and Negroes, apparently on the theory that any such party is subversive,” according to the Washington Post.

Civil Rights Congress Denounces DC Police Raid on Progressives: 1948

D.C. Civil Rights Congress leader Thomas G. Buchanan Jr. speaks at a rally against police raids in 1948. Courtesy of the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

The D.C. chapter of the Civil Rights Congress (CRC) held a demonstration on October 18 where 150 people marched on police headquarters at 300 Indiana Ave., NW, carrying a coffin that read “Don’t Bury American Freedom” and carrying signs reading “Give Storm-trooper Tactics Back to the Nazis” and “Civil Rights Congress.”

Thomas G. Buchanan Jr., executive secretary of the local CRC branch, put perspective into the arrests saying, “The lottery charge is based on the allegation that veterans organizations were raffling off small prizes to those attending the party as a fundraising measure,” according to The Washington Herald. Such raffles were “a common practice among church groups and organizations of all types,” according to the Herald.

The CRC called for a police investigation of the incident and of police Captain Howard V. Covell, who had led the two raids.  Covell responded, “There was nothing political about those raids,” according to the Post.

Earlier Raid on Interracial Party

But eight days earlier, Washington police raided an interracial housewarming party given by Julius Kaplan at his apartment. According to Kaplan, police showed up about 1 a.m. and pretended to be looking for a fictional person named “Mrs. Schwartz,” ostensibly to tell her about a refrigerator leaking gas.

An hour later, 20 police officers showed up saying there had been a report of a shooting in the apartment. By the time the police arrived, there was only one African American still present and police demanded to search him for a weapon, according to Kaplan.

Police arrested 14 people at the address and held them at the police station until 5 a.m. before releasing them.  Kaplan said when the parents of one of the young women called the station to find out why she was being held, a police officer allegedly told them, “Communists are being questioned.” No charges were made related to a shooting.

Protests to Truman & DC Commissioners

The Progressive Party sent a telegram to President Harry Truman and the District of Columbia commissioners protesting the raids, saying in part, “We note that [Police Commissioner] Major Barrett has given as a reason for the high crime rate in Washington that he does not have enough police. We should like to call your attention that…he used nearly 50 police to break up a veterans dance on the pretext that certain individuals were selling liquor without a license and holding a raffle…”

The Washington Post editorialized that “Despite the explanation of Washington police that there was no political significance to Saturday night’s raid, local authorities have shown enough indifference to rowdyism launched against the Wallaceites to arouse suspicion that the arrests at this meeting were not entirely accidental. The case is at best a flimsy one, and, as police well know, illegal sale of liquor in Washington is by no means confined to Wallace rallies.”

The words may have rung true, but the political climate was stacked against those arrested.

Red Scare Takes Hold

Headlines about “reds” and “commies” filled the daily newspapers. The “Hollywood 10” had been convicted of contempt of Congress and sentenced to jail for refusing to answer questions about their political beliefs.

Afro Devotes Full Page to Progressive Party Convention: 1948

The Afro American covers the Progressive Party convention in July 31, 1948 edition.

The U.S. government had instituted loyalty oaths for federal employees and indicted leaders of the Communist Party on the charge of advocating insurrection. They were scheduled for trial the day before the Presidential Election.

The anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act, among its many provisions, effectively barred alleged communists from holding union office.  It was used locally by a government-sponsored corporation to refuse to bargain with the cafeteria workers union, forcing an 11-week strike earlier in the year.

Wallace, a former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture, Vice-President, and Secretary of Commerce, was personally attacked as a communist sympathizer. Baltimore-based, nationally known journalist H. L. Mencken wrote that Wallace and the Progressive Party were under covert control of the communists.

Wallace ended up finishing fourth in the presidential election with about 1.2 million votes, running slightly behind segregationist Strom Thurmond in the popular vote. John Camper won 10% of the vote in the Maryland Fourth District in a three-way race, despite evidence of vote rigging by the Pollack political machine in African American precincts.

Fight in Court Against Raid Arrests

Notwithstanding the minor charges growing out of the dance at the Laborers’ hall, federal prosecutors were determined to convict the men, while those arrested battled back in the legal arena.

Edwards and Goldreich had their arrests dismissed because no police officer had actually observed them selling liquor or “operating a lottery.” Instead, police had arrested them because they said they were in charge of the dance.

However, this victory was short-lived as both still ended up facing charges for the alleged alcohol sale and lottery operation. Separate trials were scheduled for the lottery and alcohol sales.

The “illegal lottery” trial took place January 5, 1949, with the assistant U.S. Attorney Arthur McLaughlin proclaiming that the four men arrested, including Edwards and Goldreich, acted in “open defiance” of the law.

When undercover police officers testified, the “open defiance” of the law that required 35 officers to suppress on a Saturday night turned out to be chances that were being sold for 25 cents each to win three prizes—one fifth of scotch, one fifth of bourbon and a Paul Robeson “Freedom Train” record.

Veterans for Wallace: 1948

1948 Vets for Wallace button.

Police Officer Suggested Raffle

When Edwards, the head of the African American veterans organization, took the witness stand and was being questioned by McLaughlin, he testified that undercover police officer Benjamin Chaplain was the person who suggested holding the raffle to raise money.

Police testified they seized $19.80 at the event as evidence, but when Edwards testified he said he counted over $200 in proceeds two hours before the raid. “I am wondering what happened to all the money,” he said on the witness stand.

In his closing statement, prominent civil rights attorney Charles Hamilton Houston argued that the raffle was conducted for a “cause” similar to church bazaars and fairs where contributions were requested. Houston went on to say that criminal intent was absent.

All were found guilty and fined; three of them were fined $50 and one $25.

Those charged with illegally selling whiskey, including Edwards and Goldreich, had a trial that stretched over three days, from January 17-19.

Leon Ransom, another well known civil rights attorney, argued that the five men charged were accepting contributions, but not selling liquor. Nevertheless, all five were found guilty.

After the trial, juror Anne Mallory filed an affidavit stating that she and other jurors understood that they could find all five guilty or all five innocent. She further stated that she believed two of the men were innocent, but Judge Aubrey B. Fennell denied the motion for a new trial. Fennell imposed fines of  $200 on all five defendants in February.

Further court appeals for both groups were unsuccessful.

Breadth of Suppression

In the overall context of the post World War II “red scare,” this was a minor incident. Those who were jailed or lost their jobs during that period suffered worse fates.

However, it illustrates the depth and breadth of the suppression of the country’s left wing movement during the period, including the use of fear and apprehension at being even remotely connected to progressive, socialist or communist issues and campaigns.

Police and the FBI routinely made files of everyone associated with left-wing activists or events. In this instance, it was those who attended a housewarming party or a dance. Authorities prosecuted minor offenses and created arrest records for others. An undercover police officer urged an act that police later conducted arrests for. Proceeds from the fundraiser went missing after police seized them.

Newspapers during this period published the names, addresses and often the employer of people even if they were not arrested or convicted of any crime. In this instance, The Washington Herald published the names and addresses of people who were booked for “investigation” and not for any crime. All the local newspapers carried the names and addresses of those arrested for minor alcohol violations in this case.

It also illustrates how those affected continued to fight back. They campaigned in elections, held demonstrations and waged court battles. The message of “Don’t Bury American Freedom” carried during the protest of these arrests turned out to be one repeated many times during the next decade.


Author’s Notes:

Sources include the following newspapers: The Washington Post, The Afro American, The Washington Daily News, The Washington Star and The Washington Herald.  Also consulted were “Hearings Regarding Communism in the District of Columbia” conducted by the House Committee on Un-American Activities and “A Doctor’s Legacy: Dr. John E. T. Camper and the MeDeSo” by Jonathan Cahn.


Craig Simpson is a former Secretary-Treasurer of Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 and has a BA in labor studies from the National Labor College. He can be contacted by email at washington_area_spark@yahoo.com.


Documents

2 Jan

Historical documents are not our primary focus.

However, as we come across documents or artifacts of interest–particularly those that are of relevance to a blog post we have done or are related to one of our Flickr photo albums–we scan and post them. 

The document categories are in alphabetical order and within each category the documents are in chronological order: 

Periodicals, Newspapers, Newsletters

Quick links to periodicals

Documents

Quick links to document categories

Anarchism and Syndicalism

Weather Underground FBI Wanted Poster  – 1972

While never specifically espousing an anarchist philosophy, the Weather Underground’s political beliefs and actions mirrored some of the characteristics of anarchism. The group formed as a result in a split of the mass student-based organization Students for a Democratic Society in 1969.

The Weathermen, as they were originally known, carried out their first major action later in the year—The Days of Rage in Chicago’s streets October 8-11th. Several hundred hard-core activists battled Chicago police over three days under the slogan “Bring the War Home.” 

A major focus of the demonstration was the trial of the Chicago 8—antiwar leaders of various philosophies charged with fomenting a riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention.

The clashes with police ended with six Weathermen wounded by police gunfire, 287 arrested and a number of other injured. The police suffered several dozen injuries—none serious. Many of those charged failed to appear in court resulting in most of the wanted profiles on the linked document.

The Weather Underground went on to conduct a symbolic bombing campaign of government, industrial or other political targets until 1977 when the group essentially disbanded.

A few members went on to participate in the May 19thCommunist Organization joint action with the Black Liberation Army of a 1981 robbery of a Brinks truck in New Jersey that resulted in the death of a guard and two police officers. Suspects were arrested over a five year period and sentenced to long prison terms.

Antiwar

(See Vietnam War for Indochina conflict)

Free speech a victim of war hysteria: 1917

This drawing “It’s got to be uprooted” shows Uncle Sam looking angrily at a “The Treason Weed” that has handguns, an anarchist bomb, a German Pickelhaube helmet and a skull and crossbones referring to what Rogers believed were domestic enemies that would undermine the U.S. war effort.

The illustration was apparently drawn shortly after the U.S. entry into World War I in April 1917.

The anarchist bomb represents the so-called Galleanisti anarchists who believed in the propaganda of the deed and planted a number of bombs in first third of the 20th Century to spark revolution. But it also refers more broadly to the Industrial Workers of the World, other anarchists and left-wing socialists who opposed WWI as a contest between the ruling classes of different countries for world domination where the only people dying were workers.

The Pickelhaube referred to German nationals who Rogers believed would act as German agents within the U.S.

During World War I, the U.S. enacted the Sedition Act,  the Conscription Act and Espionage Act that were used to suppress dissent during the war  resulting in the imprisonment of thousands, and/or deportments and/or revocation of citizenship—overwhelmingly because of speech and not any overt acts. As with those of Japanese descent in World War II, several thousand people of German descent living in the U.S. were also rounded up and put into camps and prisons without charges against them.

War hysteria captured in Rogers’ drawing: 1918

This drawing “Now for a Roundup” shows Uncle Sam rounding-up men labeled “Spy,” “Traitor,” “IWW,” “Germ[an] money,” and “Sinn Fein” with the United States Capitol in the background displaying a flag that states “Sedition law passed” referring to the Sedition Act of 1918 passed during World War I.

The IWW refers to the Industrial Workers of the World who, along with anarchists and left-wing socialists, opposed WWI as a contest between the ruling classes of different countries for world domination where the only people dying were workers. Sinn Fein refers to the Irish struggle for independence against Great Britain that was occurring during World War I.

The law, along with the Conscription Act and Espionage Act passed during the same period, were used to suppress dissent during the war and thousands were imprisoned, and/or deported and/or had their citizenship revoked as a result—overwhelmingly because of speech and not any overt acts.

Washington Area Citizens Against ABM – 1969

The Washington Area Citizens Against ABM publish a flyer in 1969 blasting the Washington D.C. City Council for not condemning the project and calling for funds authorized to be re-purposed for human needs.

The Anti-Ballistic Missile system proposed by President Lyndon Johnson in 1967 and continued by President Richard Nixon would have built an extensive, very expensive defensive missile system against a first strike by the Soviet Union.

However both technical and cost issues put the project on hold and in 1972 an anti-ballistic missile treaty was reached with the Soviet Union to severely limit strategic ABMs.

The Washington Area Citizens Against ABM was infiltrated by the FBI after an article was published in the Communist Party USA’s Daily Worker about the group. The infiltration of the group by the federal government was roundly condemned when it was revealed in 1976.

The FBI was ostensibly surveilling the Communist Party, but reported on a public forum where the Defense Department and opponents both made presentations, the planning of meetings, distribution of materials to schools and churches, plans to seek resolutions on the ABM from town councils, the names of local political leaders who attended meetings and forums, and other information that had nothing to do with the Communist Party.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Support the D.C. Nine – May 1969

An unsigned flyer advertises and teach-in and rally May 27, 1969 at Georgetown University to support the D.C. Nine who were charged with breaking in and destroying records in the Dow Chemical office in Washington, D.C. March 22, 1969.

The nine protesters smashed glass, hurled files out a fourth floor window and poured blood on the remaining files and furniture at the Dow Chemical offices at 15th & L Streets NW Washington, DC and awaited police to arrive for their arrest.

In a prepared statement, the nine noted that Dow seeks “profit in the production of napalm, defoliants and nerve gas.”

On May 7, 1970, the nine were sentenced to terms ranging from three months to six years in jail. Their lawyer, Phillip J. Hirschkop was censured and sentenced to 30 days in jail for his trial conduct.

Seven of the nine appealed and won a reversal of their convictions at the U.S Court of Appeals in June 1972 that ruled that Judge John H. Pratt had erred when he denied the defendants the right to represent themselves. Hirschkop was cleared of contempt in a separate ruling in July 1972.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Week of protest against chemical & biological warfare: Jul. 1972

A flyer advertises a series of demonstrations against chemical and biological warfare weapons in the triangle formed by Washington, D.C., Baltimore and Frederick, Md. in July 1972.

The protests scheduled July 1-8 were sponsored by the Quaker Action Group, the War Resisters League, Catholic Peace Fellowship, and the Jewish Peace Fellowship with the support of the Friends Peace Committee in Philadelphia and elsewhere.

Protest targets included the White House, U.S. Capitol, Edgewood Arsenal, and Fort Detrick.

Hiroshima Day commemoration – Aug. 1972

The Washington Area Peace Action Coalition flyer advertising Hiroshima Day events and calling for a planning meeting of interested groups. Hiroshima Day annually marks the 1945 bombing of both Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the U.S. using atomic bombs. The U.S. remains the only country that has used atomic weapons against an enemy–killing an estimated 200,000 Japanese, most of whom were civilians.

Civil Liberties

Free speech a victim of war hysteria: 1917

This drawing “It’s got to be uprooted” shows Uncle Sam looking angrily at a “The Treason Weed” that has handguns, an anarchist bomb, a German Pickelhaube helmet and a skull and crossbones referring to what Rogers believed were domestic enemies that would undermine the U.S. war effort.

The illustration was apparently drawn shortly after the U.S. entry into World War I in April 1917.

The anarchist bomb represents the so-called Galleanisti anarchists who believed in the propaganda of the deed and planted a number of bombs in first third of the 20th Century to spark revolution. But it also refers more broadly to the Industrial Workers of the World, other anarchists and left-wing socialists who opposed WWI as a contest between the ruling classes of different countries for world domination where the only people dying were workers.

The Pickelhaube referred to German nationals who Rogers believed would act as German agents within the U.S.

During World War I, the U.S. enacted the Sedition Act,  the Conscription Act and Espionage Act that were used to suppress dissent during the war  resulting in the imprisonment of thousands, and/or deportments and/or revocation of citizenship—overwhelmingly because of speech and not any overt acts. As with those of Japanese descent in World War II, several thousand people of German descent living in the U.S. were also rounded up and put into camps and prisons without charges against them.

War hysteria captured in Rogers’ drawing – 1918

This drawing “Now for a Roundup” shows Uncle Sam rounding-up men labeled “Spy,” “Traitor,” “IWW,” “Germ[an] money,” and “Sinn Fein” with the United States Capitol in the background displaying a flag that states “Sedition law passed” referring to the Sedition Act of 1918 passed during World War I.

The IWW refers to the Industrial Workers of the World who, along with anarchists and left-wing socialists, opposed WWI as a contest between the ruling classes of different countries for world domination where the only people dying were workers. Sinn Fein refers to the Irish struggle for independence against Great Britain that was occurring during World War I.

The law, along with the Conscription Act and Espionage Act passed during the same period, were used to suppress dissent during the war and thousands were imprisoned, and/or deported and/or had their citizenship revoked as a result—overwhelmingly because of speech and not any overt acts.

Virginia communists denounce Heller bill – 1940

The Virginia Communist Party issues a lengthy statement March 11, 1940  condemning the General Assembly for passing the so-called Heller Bill that would deny public facilities to communists or others.

Specifically, the bill would have instructed “custodians of all public buildings in Virginia” to deny the use of such buildings to anyone who “advocate, advise or teach the doctrine that the government of the United States or the Commonwealth of Virginia, or any political subdivision thereof should be overthrown or overturned by force violence or any unlawful means.”

After it passed the state senate without fanfare, a campaign was launmched to defeat the bill in the Virginia House of Delegates.

Delegate Francis Pickins Miller of Fairfax called it “a departure from the policies this state has cherished for three centuries” and declared it would “create a new public officer in Virginia, the custodian of dangerous thoughts.”

Gov. James Price ultimately vetoed the bill in a victory for the communists and civil liberties advocates.

Washington Committee for Democratic Action conference call – Apr. 1940

The Washington Committee for Democratic Action, the local affiliate of the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, calls for a conference at the Washington Hotel at 15th and F Streets NW April 20-21, 1940.

Over 300 people attended the conference focused on civil rights, labor rights and gaining the right to vote and civil rights for District of Columbia residents.

The Washington Committee, along with the National Federation, merged with the International Labor Defense and the National Negro Congress to form the Civil Rights Congress in 1946.

In 1947 the Civil Rights Congress, along with the predecessor organizations, was listed as subversive by U.S. Attorney General Tom Clark.

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties membership brochure – circa 1940

The National Federation for Constitutional Liberties (NFCL) membership application brochure circa 1940 describes the purpose of the organization, lists its officers and provides a membership form.

The Washington Committee for Democratic Action was an affiliate of the national group that was founded at a convention in June 1940 and later merged in 1946 with the National Negro Congress and International Labor Defense to form the Civil Rights Congress..

In 1947, the NFCL was listed as a subversive organization, along with the Civil Right Congress, by U.S. Attorney General Tom Clark.

‘Five Men on a Hunger Strike’ – Mar. 1948

The American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born issues a tri-fold 8 ½ x 11 pamphlet describing the pending deportation cases of five left-wing leaders in the U.S. in 1948 and appeals for support.

The four, Gerhard Eisler a longtime Communist Party member in Austria, Germany and the United States; John Williamson, labor secretary for the Communist Party, Ferdinand C. Smith, Secretary of the National Maritime Union, CIO and Charles A. Doyle, vice president of the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers, CIO. A fifth labor leader, Irving Potash, manager of the Furriers Joint Council, was also slated for deportation.

Smith was the highest-ranking African American in the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) at the time.

The hunger strike ended when the four (Potash was released earlier) were granted bail on March 6th. However, all were ultimately forced out of the country at various times in the 1950s.

Virginia House Bill No. 6 criminalizing beliefs – Jan. 1948

House Bill No. 6, introduced January 15, 1948 in the House of Delegates of the Virginia General Assembly, seeks to criminalize beliefs—particularly the belief in the necessity of overthrowing the existing government of Virginia or the United States.

Further, mere membership in or aiding or abetting a group that believes in replacing the current government is considered felony criminal behavior under the bill.

The bill was introduced by Del. Frank P Moncure of Stafford and Del. Baldwin G Locher of Rockbridge County. Moncure said on the floor of the House, “Mr. Locher and myself have today introduced a bill which has for its purpose the barring of communism from the state off Virginia, and to outlaw the Communist Party…”

Penalties of from 3 to 5 years and fines up to $1,000 are provided for violators of the act.

A version of the bill ultimately passed in 1950 and remains part of the Virginia code.

Call for civil rights demonstration in Washington: Jun. 1948

An ad hoc committee called the National Non-Partisan Mass Delegation to Washington puts out a flyer calling for a gathering in Washington, D.C. June 2, 1948 to demand Congress pass civil rights legislation.

Specific demands included abolition of the poll tax, a permanent Fair Employment Practices Commission (The FEPC existed during World War II—similar to today’s EEOC), ending segregation in the armed forces, and passage federal legislation making lynching a crime.

Two of the main sponsors were NAACP founder W. E. B. DuBois and actor, singer and civil rights activist Paul Robeson.

Several thousand attended the demonstration and added defeat of the Mundt-Nixon anti-communist bill to its legislative demands.

Daily Worker on U.S. communist leaders’ arrest – Jul. 1948

The Daily Worker, publication of the Communist Party USA, reports on the initial arrest of its leaders July 21, 1948 for advocating overthrow of the U.S. government as defined under the Smith Act.

The issue also contains a statement issued by the Communist Party on the arrest of their leaders.

Negro Freedom Rally Committee flyer – Sep. 1949

Following the “Peekskill Riot” where a white supremacist mob attacked people who gathered for a Paul Robeson concert, protest rallies were organized around the country, including Washington, D.C.

Marie Richardson flyer – Dec. 1951

As the Second Red Scare moved into full swing, authorities brought felony charges against Marie Richardson Harris for lying on a federal job application. The federal government alleged she was a member of the Communist Party. Harris held the Library of Congress job for 2-3 months and handled no classified information.

However, she had been the first black woman to hold a full-time union position in a national union (United Federal Workers) and was executive secretary of the local National Negro Congress. She served 4 ½ years in prison.

The case of Marie Richardson Harris: The victim of a modern witch-hunt – 1952

As the Second Red Scare moved into full swing, authorities brought felony charges against Marie Richardson Harris for lying on a federal job application. The federal government alleged she was a member of the Communist Party. Harris held the Library of Congress job for 2-3 months and handled no classified information.

However, she had been the first black woman to hold a full-time union position in a national union (United Federal Workers) and was executive secretary of the local National Negro Congress. She served 4 ½ years in prison.

Her defense committee had a fundraiser broken up by D.C. police and itself was later designated as a subversive organization by the U.S. government.

NLRB non-communist affidavit – circa 1955

The Taft-Harley Act passed in 1948 prohibited members of the Communist Party from holding labor union office if the union were to use provisions of the National Labor Relations Act. It required officers to sign a “non-communist affidavit” in order for the union to be eligible for National Labor Relations Board services and the use of the law in disputes with employers. 

The unions of the American Federation of Labor quickly agreed to this, but the Congress of Industrial Organizations briefly resisted and tried to use non-compliance with signing the affidavit as a direct action way of neutralizing other anti-labor provisions in the Taft-Hartley Act such as prohibition on secondary boycotts, sympathy strikes, authorization for states to enact so-called “right to work” laws, among others.

The refusal to sign quickly collapsed as major unions such as the United Auto Workers signed and anti-communist fervor swept the U.S. It wasn’t long before the CIO expelled or forced out 11 major national unions for alleged communist-domination and all the remaining union leaders signed the affidavits.

Many mark the decline of the labor movement to the Taft Harley Act and the inability of labor to wage effective resistance.

SDS reprints Ramparts article exposing CIA student funding – Aug. 1967

In August 1967, the University of Maryland College Park chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) reprints the Ramparts magazine article in that blew the whistle on Central Intelligence Agency funding of the U.S. National Student Association (USNSA).

The SDS chapter distributed the article to USNSA delegates to the annual convention of the organization held that year at the University of Maryland and urged the group to disband.

The article exposed the long-running CIA relationship with the organization that included essentially running the group’s international operations and provided a building at 2115 S Street NW for the USNSA’s use and some other domestic funding as well.

The USNSA, composed of student governments throughout the country, did not dissolve. It cut its ties with the CIA over the next two years and at their 1969 convention in El Paso, Texas took a sharp turn to the left when Charles Palmer was elected president of the group.

USNSA staff member Larry Rubin’s notes on CIA student funding – 1967

The staff of the alternative newspaper Washington Free Press reprints former United States National Student Association (USNSA) staff member Larry Rubin’s diary of what USNSA officers were telling employees in January and February 1967 about revelations that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was funding the organization’s international and some of its domestic operations.

The Free Press staff distributed Rubin’s notes to delegates attending the USNSA convention at the University of Maryland College Park campus in August 1967 and along with the campus Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) chapter called on the organization to dissolve.

Rubin’s notes and the Ramparts article revealed the long-running CIA relationship with the organization that included essentially running the group’s international operations and providing a building at 2115 S Street NW for the USNSA’s use and some other domestic funding as well.

The USNSA, composed of student governments throughout the country, did not dissolve. It cut its ties with the CIA over the next two years and at their 1969 convention in El Paso, Texas took a sharp turn to the left when Charles Palmer was elected president of the group.

A flyer protesting HUAC hearings in D.C. – 1968

A September 1968 flyer advertising protests at the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) hearings in Washington, D.C. into the clashes at the 1968 Democratic Convention. The flyer is unsigned, but lists the alternative newspaper Washington Free Press as a contact on the reverse side. 

At the hearing, prominent Yippie Abbie Hoffman was arrested for wearing an American flag shirt while his compatriot Jerry Rubin was hustled out of the hearing when he showed up bare-chested with an ammunition bandolier and a toy M-16 rifle [see Rubin and Hoffman].

Rubin and other Yippies tried to stand in silent protest of the “unfair treatment” they received at the hands of the committee.

Fact sheet on antiwar seaman Roger Priest – 1969

A 1969 fact sheet on the case of Roger Priest, a Navy seaman who worked at the Pentagon charged with a variety of offenses for his publication of an anti-Vietnam War newsletter called OM. The flyer is uncredited.

OM had a print run of 1000 and featured anti-Vietnam War articles and information as well as acting as a “gripe” forum for armed service members.

The court martial at the Washington Navy Yard included charges of soliciting fellow soldiers to desert, urging insubordination and making statements disloyal to the United States.

He was convicted of minor charges and received a reprimand, reduction in rank and a bad conduct discharge for promoting disloyalty. Upon appeal the charges were voided and he was given an honorable discharge.

Stop the Trial – Nov. 1969

A flyer from the Youth International Party (Yippies) advertises a “Stop the Trial” demonstration at the U.S. “Injustice Department” in Washington, D.C. against the trial of the Chicago 8 after the main Moratorium anti-Vietnam War mass march November 15, 1969.

The flyer specifically notes Bobby Seale, Black Panther leader and one of the Chicago 8 defendants—those charged with conspiracy to foment violence at the Democratic Convention in Chicago the previous August.

The rally following the march advertised by the Yippies erupted into street fighting with police by the 10,000 or more people who attended after a barrage of rocks broke windows at the Justice Department and struck police officers.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

The Day After (TDA) Watergate protest flyer – 1970

A flyer advertises for a The Day After demonstration to protest the pending verdicts of the Chicago 8—defendants charged with fomenting disturbances at the 1968 Democratic Convention by their speech.

The 600-1000 demonstrators who gathered would later march on the Watergate home of Attorney General John Mitchell (People’s Tour of the Watergate) where they clashed with police in some of the bitterest street fighting in D.C. of the anti-Vietnam War period.Fighting broke out between police who used batons and tear gas and protesters who used rocks, bottles and sticks.

145 people were arrested during the hours-long confrontation that followed the initial halt of the march. The 145 were later awarded damages after a lawsuit. The demonstration was organized weeks in advance with leaflets advertising “The Day After (TDA)” the verdict with a time and place to gather.  The TDA was used multiple times over the next few years as a way to spread the word about an action in the pre-internet era.

This flyer should be viewed in conjunction with a related flyer below.

A flyer containing a map called a “Tour Guide” for the Watergate The Day After demonstration  – 1970

A “tour guide” map of a planned demonstration to follow the verdict in the Chicago 7 (formerly Chicago 8) trial produced in February 1970. The creators are not known.

The defendants were charged with conspiracy to foment disturbances at the 1968 Democratic Convention.

The 600-1000 demonstrators who gathered would later march on the Watergate home of Attorney General John Mitchell (People’s Tour of the Watergate) where they clashed with police in some of the bitterest street fighting in D.C. of the anti-Vietnam War period.

Fighting broke out between police who used batons and tear gas and protesters who used rocks, bottles and sticks. 145 people were arrested during the hours-long confrontation that followed the initial halt of the march. The 145 were later awarded damages after a lawsuit.

The demonstration was organized weeks in advance with leaflets advertising “The Day After (TDA)” the verdict with a time and place to gather.  The TDA was used multiple times over the next few years as a way to spread the word about an action in the pre-internet era.

This flyer should be viewed in conjunction with a related flyer above.

SDS reprints Ramparts article exposing CIA student funding – Aug. 1967

In August 1967, the University of Maryland College Park chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) reprints the Ramparts magazine article in that blew the whistle on Central Intelligence Agency funding of the U.S. National Student Association (USNSA).

The SDS chapter distributed the article to USNSA delegates to the annual convention of the organization held that year at the University of Maryland and urged the group to disband.

The article exposed the long-running CIA relationship with the organization that included essentially running the group’s international operations and provided a building at 2115 S Street NW for the USNSA’s use and some other domestic funding as well.

The USNSA, composed of student governments throughout the country, did not dissolve. It cut its ties with the CIA over the next two years and at their 1969 convention in El Paso, Texas took a sharp turn to the left when Charles Palmer was elected president of the group.

Dillingham for Sheriff poster – 1970

A full page ad in the alternative newspaper Quicksilver Times was the only expense J. Brinton “Brint” Dillingham recorded during his September 15, 1970 Democratic primary quest for Sheriff of Montgomery County, Md.

Dillingham campaigned on freeing all political prisoners, including those incarcerated because of their economic status, and disarming sheriffs’ deputies. Early in the campaign in November 1969, Dillingham blasted incumbent Sheriff Ralph W. Offutt charging that sheriff’s deputies used undue force in shooting a convicted cattle rustler in the rump when he tried to escape from jail.” Offutt responded, “if that long-haired s.o.b. wants to make an issue, let him.”

Later in the campaign he sought writs of habeus corpus for a dozen people charged with crimes but held in jail because they couldn’t make bail. When the election was held, Dillingham drew a surprising 10,000 votes to Offutt’s 40,000.w

To the Fascist pigs who entered our apartment 8/19/70 – Aug. 1970

After coming home to find their apartment had been entered, but nothing taken on August 19, 1970, activists Robert “Bob” Simpson and Eleana Simpson left a note for the suspected agents who searched the premises.

The Simpsons lived in Langley Park, Md. apartments at the time.

During that period, police and FBI agents routinely surreptitiously entered offices and residences of left wing and black activists to conducted searches.

One of the most prominent break-ins of left-wing activists in the Washington area was the search of the offices of the alternative newspaper Washington Free Press in January 1970 where suspected agents broke into the office through an adjacent rest room and rifled through files.

The Simpsons were active supporters of the recently established chapter of the Black Panther Party and well-known antiwar activists.

Mother Jones collective exposes alleged police agent – 1970 ca.

The Mother Jones Collective in Baltimore, a Marxist-Leninist formation that grew out of the student movement, puts out a flyer describing a suspected police agent named John Shaw circa 1970.

The Mother Jones collective along with the Mother Bloor collective in Maryland were typical formations that grew out of the student movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s that laid some of the basis for the new communist movement of the 1970s.

The Mother Jones collective held Marxist-Leninist study sessions, developed communist work at factories, shipyards other places of employment in Baltimore, held rallies and demonstrations and defended the Baltimore Black Panther office among other activities.

U. of Md. ‘wanted poster’ of undercover police – 1970 ca.

The first in a series of “wanted” posters put out anonymously on the University of Maryland campus of police agents and informers following the student strike of 1970.

This one features state police officers John Paul Cook and Bob Wacker.

U. of Md. ‘wanted poster’ of undercover police (2) – 1970 ca.

The second in a series of “wanted” posters put out anonymously on the University of Maryland campus of police agents and informers following the student strike of 1970.

This one features alleged state police officer or informer Jim Lair.

U. of Md. ‘wanted poster’ of police/FBI informant (3) – 1970 ca.

The third in a series of “wanted” posters put out anonymously on the University of Maryland College Park campus of police agents and informers following the student strike of 1970.

This one features alleged police/FBI informant Thomas Hyde.

Pocket rights card – Aug. 1972

A card given out to protesters at the 1972 Republican Convention that outlines rights during arrest and contains the phone numbers of attorneys.

Civil Rights and Black Liberation Before 1955

Petition for integrated D.C. public schools – 1870

An April 29, 1870 petition for integrated District of Columbia schools by the National Executive Committee of the Colored People is printed in “Index to the Miscellaneous Documents of the Senate of the United States for the3 Second Session of the Forty-First Congress 1869-’70.”

The petition was inserted into the Congressional Record by U.S. Senator Charles Sumner (R-MA), a long-time civil rights advocate and one of the so-called radical Republicans that fought for equality for Black Americans and punishment for former Confederate leaders in the aftermath of the U.S. Civil War.

The petition regarding District of Columbia schools was taken up by Sumner in an 1870 national civil rights bill that would have required integrated schools nationwide along with a requirement that all publicly funded entities be integrated.

The mixed race school requirement was the most contentious provision, but it survived in the bill until near the end of debate when the bill passed in 1875.  The 1875 Civil Rights Bill, enacted shortly after Sumner’s death, was the last civil rights bill passed by Congress until 1957. Its equal protections provisions for publicly funded entities were struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1883.

Headquarters Central Bureau of Relief, D.C. – 1889

The Central Bureau of Relief issues a proclamation October 31, 1889 declaring their intent to lead a fight for “political and civil rights and privileges for the Colored American Citizen in the United States.”

The organization intended to “urge the thorough and complete organization of the people throughout the United States, in that by a united effort, we may be able to assist in relieving the millions of our brethren in the south from lawless men, who openly and unblushingly set at defiance the Constitution and laws of our common country.”

The document also issues a convention call.

The organization, headquartered in Washington, D.C., was founded days before with representatives throughout the United States and headed by initially by Perry Howard, a black Republican Party leader from Mississippi who also practiced law in the District of Columbia.

Perry H. Carson, the leader of the District’s working class black communities, also served on the executive board of the organization and would later be elected president of the organization and chair a convention sponsored by the group.

Stop lynching; demand death penalty – 1931

A flyer advertising a December 29, 1931 Washington, D.C. meeting sponsored by communist aligned groups to protest recent lynchings is shown above.

The flyer demands the death penalty for the murderers of Matthew Williams in Salisbury, Maryland and Sam Jackson and George Banks in Lewisburg, West Virginia.

The League of Struggle for Negro Rights, the International Labor Defense and the Scottsboro Defense Committee were all communist-led organizations.

The Dawning of a Better Day – 1936

Longtime District of Columbia civil rights leader Francis J. Grimke publishes an open letter in the fall of 1936 entitled “The Dawning of a Better Day” predicting that current events would lead toward progress in race relations despite entrenched opposition.

The letter addressed calls by alumni to fire University of North Carolina Chapel Hill English professor Dr. E. E. Ericson after he, along with other white people, dined with Communist Party vice-presidential candidate James Ford and other black communists at Ford’s hotel room October 25, 1936.

Dr. Roy W. McKnight, president of the Mecklenburg chapter of the Alumni Association, was among those objected, calling on the school to conduct a “general housecleaning” and declared:

“I believe a university professor should enjoy the right of freedom of speech and liberality of thought; as a matter of fact, it is his duty to do so. But when a faculty member s conduct and philosophy of life become so opposed to American tradition, especially to Southern tradition as to be offensive to the sensibilities of the thousands of alumni and the taxpayers of the state, then it is time to act.”

In his prediction of a “better day,” Grimke cites the formation of a committee on freedom of conscience that rebuked calls for dismissal of the professor and a ban on interracial dining, a broad-based defense of the “Scottsboro Boys” committee in Birmingham, Al.; and a Commission on Interracial Cooperation with headquarters in Atlanta, Ga.

Protest D.C. refusal to permit Marian Anderson concert – 1939

A poster for a mass meeting March 26, 1939 protesting the District of Columbia Board of Education’s refusal to permit the all-white Central High School (now Cardozo) to be used for the acclaimed black American singer Marian Anderson’s concert is published by Marian Anderson Citizens Committee.

Activists sought the use of the high school after Anderson was turned down for the use of the Daughters of American Revolution’s Constitution Hall because she was black.

Among the advertised speakers were Oscar Chapman, Charles Hamilton Houston, Mary McLeod Bethune and Rev. Albert T. Mollegen at the event to be held at the Metropolitan A.M.E. Church at 16th and M Streets NW.

The March 26th protest meeting was held after a month-long campaign that involved hundreds of people rallying and attending Board of Education meetings in an attempt to secure Central High for the singer.

The Marion Anderson concert was ultimately held at the Lincoln Memorial on April 9, 1939 drawing some 75,000 people while millions more listened to the radio broadcast–effectively become the largest civil rights demonstration in the U.S. up to that point in time.

Historic Marian Anderson concert flyer: 1939

A handbill for the historic Marian Anderson concert performed outdoors at the Lincoln Memorial April 9, 1939 where an integrated crowd of 75,000 listened to her performance after she was barred from the District of Columbia Central High School and the Daughters of the American Revolution’s Constitution Hall because she was black.

The flyer was produced by the Marian Anderson Citizens Committee, a broad coalition of black  groups and activists and white New Deal liberals.

The denial of facilities to Anderrson  marked a high point in a continuing civil rights movement in the city that began earlier in the 1930s with the Scottsboro campaign, a boycott of stores in black communities that refused to hire black front-line employees, and a mass campaign against police brutality. Campaigns to break down Jim Crow hiring would continue against defense contractors and the Capital Transit Company during World War II and end with the picketing of eating establishments 1949-53 until the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the District’s so-called “lost laws” prohibiting discrimination. Mass campaigns against school inequity and hiring would continue into the 1970s.

Negro Congress meeting against police brutality: Jun. 1939

The Washington Council of the National Negro Congress issues a flyer for a mass meeting June 25, 1939 during a campaign in the city against police brutality that lasted from 1936-41.

Among the speakers listed were Jacob Baker, president of the United Federal Workers of America; Major Ernest Brown, superintendent Metropolitan Police; Judge William H. Hastie; Rev. J. S. L Holloman, Interdenominational Ministers Alliance; Dr. C Herbert Marshall, president of the D.C. NAACP; George Goodman, secretary of the Washington Urban League; Eugene Davidson, administrator of the New Negro Alliance; Harry Lamberton, Chair of the American League for Peace and Democracy; John P. Davis, secretary, National Negro Congress; Rev. Arthur Gray, chair of D.C. National Negro Congress and Pastor of Plymouth congregational Church.

New Negro Alliance claims victories in rally flyer – Jun. 1939

The New Negro Alliance produces a flyer in June 1939 entitled “$50,000 Reward!” contending that their picketing has resulted in 50 new jobs for black clerks at stores on 7th Street, 14th Street and U Street NW in the past year since they started protests in front of People’s Drug Store.

The 50 jobs represented a $50,000 reward to the black community, according to the Alliance.

The flyer also called for a joint rally at the Second Baptist Church and 3rd and I Streets NW with the left-leaning National Negro Congress to mark the one-year anniversary of the campaign against People’s.

The Alliance began their picketing and store boycotts in 1933 and had initial success at A&P grocery stores, Highs Dairy Stores, and a number of independent merchants. But the boycott never forced the largest employers, Sanitary (Safeway) grocery stores or People’s (now CVS) drug store, to hire black clerks.

Even with the mixed success, the New Negro Alliance tactics, the Scottsboro campaign, the D.C. campaign against police brutality and the Marian Anderson concert all represented a breakout from church meetings toward direct action and protests in the streets for the D.C. civil rights movement during the 1930s.

‘To All Fair Minded People” – People’s Drug boycott – Jun. 1939

The New Negro Alliance produces a flyer on the one-year anniversary of their boycott against People’s Drug Store in June 1939 calling for customers to stop patronizing all stores in the drug chain over the company’s refusal to hire black clerks in black neighborhoods.

The Alliance began their picketing and store boycotts in 1933 and had initial success at A&P grocery stores, Highs Dairy Stores, and a number of independent merchants. But the boycott never forced the largest employers, Sanitary (Safeway) grocery stores or People’s (now CVS) drug store, to hire black clerks.

Even with the mixed success, the New Negro Alliance tactics, the Scottsboro campaign, the D.C. campaign against police brutality and the Marian Anderson concert all represented a breakout from church meetings toward direct action and protests in the streets for the D.C. civil rights movement during the 1930s.

Washington Committee for Democratic Action conference call — Apr. 1940

The Washington Committee for Democratic Action, the local affiliate of the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, calls for a conference at the Washington Hotel at 15th and F Streets NW April 20-21, 1940.

Over 300 people attended the conference focused on civil rights, labor rights and gaining the right to vote and civil rights for District of Columbia residents.

Labor speakers included Rep. John Coffee (D-Wa.); John P. Davis, National Negro Congress; Arthur Stein, D.C. council of the United Federal Workers and David Lasser, president of the Workers Alliance; and Cecil Owen, president of the Washington Industrial Council, CIO.

Civil rights speakers included Rep. John Gavagan (D-N.Y.); Charles Hamilton Houston, general counsel of the NAACP; and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn of the Communist Party

The Washington Committee, along with the National Federation, merged with the International Labor Defense and the National Negro Congress to form the Civil Rights Congress in 1946.

March on Washington: 1941

A March 1941 letter from A. Phillip Randolph, head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, to NAACP leader Walter White inviting him to join a march on Washington for fair employment.

The March on Washington Movement led to President Franklin Roosevelt issuing an executive order banning discrimination in defense-related industry and enforcing it through a Fair Employment Practices Commission. The planned march was cancelled after Roosevelt’s order.

Poll Tax Repealer – Mar. 1943

The March 1943 edition of the Poll Tax Repealer, a national newsletter published by the National Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax.

Poll taxes (a tax levied when voting in an election) were imposed in many U.S. Southern states as one of several methods to minimize African American voters.  Laws typically excluded from the tax anyone whose father and/or grandfather, had voted prior to the Civil War—assuring that nearly all African Americans were subject to the tax and most white Southerners were not.

The national campaign against the poll tax began in the early 1940s and continued through the end of the decade.

The campaign had some success at the local level as some states repealed their poll tax, including Georgia in 1945.

The civil rights movement wasn’t successful at ending the tax until the 24thAmendment to the U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1964. Poll taxes in state elections were outlawed by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1966.

For other issues of the Poll Tax Repealer, see periodicals below.

D.C. NAACP Victory Mass Assembly – May, 1945

The District of Columbia branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) holds a Victory Mass Assembly at the Metropolitan A.M.E. Church on M Street NW May 6, 1945 following the victory of Allied forces in Europe over Adolph Hitler’s Nazi regime.

The war against Japan was ongoing at the time.

The program includes Judge William Hastie, police chief Edward J. Kelly, opera singer Lillian Evanti, former Liberian ambassador Dr. Rafael O’Hara, rights activist Eugene Davidson and civil rights and liberties attorney George E. C. Hayes.

The D.C. NAACP ‘Case Against Lansburgh’s’: 1945

An October 11, 1945 flyer targeting Lansburgh’s Department Store for a campaign to desegregate its lunch counter is launched by the Washington, D.C. branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

The flyer urges the public to close their credit accounts at Lansburgh’s in order to pressure the store. The effort did not succeed in desegregating Lansburgh’s.

It would be another four years before the Coordinating Committee for the Enforcement of the D.C. Anti-Discrimination Laws was launched in late 1949 headed by long-time rights activist Mary Church Terrell that would ultimately break the back of Jim Crow in the city.

D.C. NAACP meeting protesting police riot in Columbia, Tennessee – 1946

This handbill by the D.C. chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) calls for a protest meeting April 7, 1946 at the Asbury Methodist Church at 11th and K Streets NW

The meeting was called to protest a police riot in Columbia, Tennessee that resulted in shootings and looting black businesses and mass arrests of black people by state police after a white lynch mob had gathered in town.

The incident, along with the 1946 Moore’s Ford, Georgia lynching of four black Americans, galvanized the civil rights movement after World War II.

One of the main speakers was Channing Tobias,  a leading civil rights figure at the time having developed a career in the black section of the YMCA and was director of the Phelps Stokes Fund that invested in education at the time of the meeting.

The other was Mrs. James Morton (first name unknown) of Columbia who provided eyewitness testimony of the destruction wreaked by state police.

NAACP recruiting flyer: Make D.C. stand for Democracy’s Capital – Jan. 1948

The D.C. branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People publishes a flyer for their 1948 membership drive.

The group pitched making D.C. stand for “Democracy’s Capital” in terms of a beacon for non-discrimination.

NAACP mass meeting to support Truman’s civil rights plan – Apr. 1948

The Washington, D.C. branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) calls for a city-wide meeting April 18, 1948 at All Souls Church on 16th Street NW appealing to people “Don’t wreck the President’s civil rights plan; support it.”

There is a handwritten date of 1943 in the upper right hand corner. However this seems incorrect. Arthur Powell Davies, listed on the flyer, didn’t become pastor of All Souls Church until the fall of 1944. The date of April 18th falls on a Sunday in both 1943 and 1948, making 1948 the more likely year.

The call to support the President’s plan was at odds with Paul Robeson,  the Civil Rights Congress and other activists that took a more confrontational approach and demanded immediate action.

It also came during a time when former vice president Henry Wallace had announced he would make a third-party candidate run for president on a platform of peace, civil rights and labor rights.

The rally served as an implicit endorsement of Truman and a rejection of Wallace.

Call for civil rights demonstration in Washington – 1948

An ad hoc committee called the National Non-Partisan Mass Delegation to Washington puts out a flyer calling for a gathering in Washington, D.C. June 2, 1948 to demand Congress pass civil rights legislation.

Specific demands included abolition of the poll tax, a permanent Fair Employment Practices Commission (The FEPC existed during World War II—similar to today’s EEOC), ending segregation in the armed forces, and passage federal legislation making lynching a crime.

Two of the main sponsors were NAACP founder W. E. B. DuBois and actor, singer and civil rights activist Paul Robeson.

Advertisement calls for end to Jim Crow at the Bureau of Engraving – May 1949

A display ad published in the Washington Afro American May 7, 1949 by a number of prominent labor and black organizations in the D.C. area calling on President Harry Truman to end Jim Crow at the Bureau of Engraving.

A broad coalition led by Margaret Gilmore, president of United Public Workers of America Local 3, organized pickets at the Bureau of Engraving and at the White House.

Gilmore led a three-year fight against Jim Crow at the agency that printed U.S. money, winning major victories along the way.

Negro Freedom Rally Committee flyer – Sep. 1949

Following the “Peekskill Riot” where a white supremacist mob attacked people who gathered for a Paul Robeson concert, protest rallies were organized around the country, including Washington, D.C.

Save the Martinsville 7 from the electric chair – Mar. 1950

A flyer by the Committee to Save the Martinsville Seven calls for a rally in Richmond, Virginia March 23, 1950.

The Martinsville 7 were seven African American men convicted of raping a white woman in 1949 and sentenced to death. All 45 men executed in Virginia’s electric chair up until 1951 for the crime of rape were black men convicted of assaulting white women.

A nationwide campaign by the Civil Rights Congress highlighted the issue of racial injustice, but failed to stop the executions. The men were electrocuted by the state of Virginia in February 1951.

Announcement of 2 interracial workshops – Jul. 1950

The civil rights group Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a pacifist group dedicated to non-violent social change, issue a call for interracial workshops in July 1950 following clashes during attempts to integrate public swimming pools in Washington, D.C. and St. Louis, MO and the subsequent closure of the pools.

The purpose of the workshops was to prepare participants to engage in a non-violent campaign to re-open the pools.

Participants were to be housed in an integrated hotel in the two cities that still largely practiced Jim Crow.

Workshop leaders included Mary McLeod Bethune, National Council of Negro Women; E. Franklin Frazier, Howard University Department of Sociology; Leon Ransom, counsel for the District of Columbia NAACP; representatives of the Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union; the Congress of Industrial Organizations; and U.S. Department of Justice; and Sushila Nayar, formerly Gandhi’s personal physician.

Why the Crusade on the Martinsville Seven – Nov. 1950

The Civil Rights Congress and the Virginia Committee to Save the Martinsville Seven publish a flyer November 8, 1950 explaining why the Virginia case of seven black men sentenced to death was important for the fight against white supremacy.

The Martinsville 7 were charged with the rape of a white woman, Ruby Stroud Floyd, in a black neighborhood of Martinsville, Virginia on January 8, 1949. After a long legal battle led by the NAACP and a grassroots campaign led by the Civil Rights Congress, the seven were executed in 1951 on February 2nd and February 5th. 

Civil Rights Congress highlights Martinsville 7 case – Jan. 1951

The January 8, 1951 Charter Bulletin, newsletter of the Civil Rights Congress, features the Martinsville 7 case on the front page.

The Martinsville 7 were seven African American men convicted of raping a white woman in 1949 and sentenced to death.

All 45 men executed in Virginia’s electric chair up until 1951 for the crime of rape were black men convicted of assaulting white women.

A nationwide campaign by the Civil Rights Congress highlighted the issue of racial injustice, but failed to stop the executions.

The men were electrocuted by the state of Virginia in February 1951.

Civil Rights Congress takes on white supremacy – Feb. 1951

A Civil Rights Congress (CRC) flyer issued March-April 1951 on the execution of the Martinsville 7, Willie McGee’s pending execution and the re-trial of the Trenton 6.

Washington Mobilization to Free Willie McGee flyer – Mar. 1951

The Washington Mobilization to Free Willie McGee calls on demonstrators arriving for a “Peace Crusade” to support freedom for Willie McGee, a black man convicted of raping a white woman in Mississippi and sentenced to death.

The flyer called for a prayer vigil at the U.S. Supreme Court March 15th, lobbying Congress March 16th and a vigil in front of the White House. McGee was scheduled to be executed March 20th.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black issued a stay, but the full Court would not hear the case. More demonstrations were held in D.C., including one in which protesters chained themselves to the Lincoln Memorial, but McGee was executed May 8, 1951.

Washington Mobilization to Free Willie McGee press release – Mar. 1951

The Washington Mobilization to Free Willie McGee writes two press releases March 15, 1951 about U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black and the case of Willie McGee.

The first press release that applauded Black for issuing a stay in the case was ultimately issued March 16, 1951 after Black acted on the petition. The other draft condemned Black and was not issued.

Jack Zucker, who issued the release, was the legislative director of the United Shoe Workers of America, CIO and a member of the Communist Party.

Marie Richardson flyer – Dec. 1951

As the Second Red Scare moved into full swing, authorities brought felony charges against Marie Richardson Harris for lying on a federal job application.

The federal government alleged she was a member of the Communist Party. Harris held the Library of Congress job for 2-3 months and handled no classified information.

However, she had been the first black woman to hold a full-time union position in a national union (United Federal Workers) and was executive secretary of the local National Negro Congress. She served 4 ½ years in prison.

The case of Marie Richardson Harris: The victim of a modern witch-hunt – 1952

The Committee to Defend Marie Richardson Harris publishes an 8-page description of the case and appeals for help defending Ms. Harris who was sentenced to prison for failing to disclose communist affiliations on a government job application.

As the Second Red Scare moved into full swing, authorities brought felony charges against Marie Richardson Harris for lying on a federal job application. The federal government alleged she was a member of the Communist Party. Harris held the Library of Congress job for 2-3 months and handled no classified information.

However, she had been the first black woman to hold a full-time union position in a national union (United Federal Workers) and was executive secretary of the local National Negro Congress. She served 4 ½ years in prison.

Her defense committee had a fundraiser broken up by D.C. police and itself was later designated as a subversive organization by the U.S. government.

DC Anti-Discrimination Pamphlet – 1952

The group headed by Mary Church Terrell, the Coordinating Committee for the Enforcement of D.C. Anti-Discrimination Laws, put out regular updates to the public about which restaurants served both black and white people.

The committee was conducting pickets and boycotts of those that operated Jim Crow. Most of the chain restaurants and lunch counters in the downtown area desegregated under this pressure prior to the group winning the Thompson’s Restaurant case in 1953 where the U.S. Supreme Court upheld Washington, D.C.’s so-called “lost laws” of 1872 and 1872 that banned discrimination in public accommodations.

Coordinating Committee for the Enforcement of the D.C. Anti-Discrimination Laws appeal – 1953

The U.S. Court of Appeals rules against the Coordinating Committee for the Enforcement of D.C. Anti-Discrimination Laws in the Thompson’s Restaurant case and the group puts out an appeal for funds.

The U.S. Supreme Court would later reverse that decision and uphold Washington, D.C.’s so-called “lost laws” of 1872 and 1872 that banned discrimination in public accommodations.

Civil Rights and Black Liberation After 1955

D.C. NAACP flyer for annual meeting and elections – 1957

A Washington, D.C. NAACP branch flyer advertising its annual meeting December 15, 1957 where the president of the organization gives an annual report and elections of officers are held.

The meeting was to be held at the Turner Memorial Church and 6th and Eye Streets NW. Eugene Davidson was elected as president of the branch to his sixth term.

Davidson was a long time civil rights advocate in the city who once headed the New Negro Alliance that organized boycotts of merchants that wouldn’t hire front line black employees while doing business in the black community.

The Afro American newspaper gave an account of the meeting and quotes Davidson’s report on the state or racial progress in the city in its December 28, 1957 edition

Flyer for the Youth March on Washington – 1959

A flyer for the April 18, 1959 Youth March on Washington to demand enforcement of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision desegregating public schools and for civil rights legislation championed by the Republican leaders in Congress and supported by U.S. Rep. Adam Clayton Powell Jr. (D-N.Y.).

The flyer was published by the Youth March for Integrated Schools of New York.

The demonstration drew 26,000 people to Washington, D.C. April 18, 1959 as estimated by U.S. Park Police.

William Moore special supplement to CORE newsletter – 1963

A supplement to the regular CORE newsletter published in June 1963 chronicles the murder of Baltimore civil rights worker William Moore.

Moore worked in Baltimore as a letter carrier when he became involved in the civil rights movement there. He staged two lone marches—one to Annapolis and one to Washington, D.C. to deliver letters written by him urging the Maryland governor and the president to support civil rights.

He decided to stage a march through Alabama to see Mississippi Gov. Ross Barnett and deliver another letter. He was murdered near Reece City, Alabama August 23 1963.

Jazz benefit for Julius Hobson’s ACT – 1964

A flyer advertising a benefit jazz concert for ACT, a civil rights group initiated by Julius Hobson in the city after he was expelled by CORE earlier in the year, is scheduled for November 23 1968 at WUST at 9th and V Streets NW.

ACT was not an acronym and was the full name of the civil rights organization that existed briefly from 1964 until about 1968 with chapters in several cities. When other civil rights organizations began abandoning direct action after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, ACT tried to pick up the slack.

The flyer corresponds with a campaign by ACT for a citizen review board of complaints of police brutality. ACT held a series of street corner meetings throughout the District of Columbia in 1964 where the demand was raised.

The image on the flyer shows a police officer firing a gun at a black person with an X over the police officer indicating ACT’s demand for an end to police brutality.

D.C. SNCC calls for anti-draft march – May, 1967

The Washington, D.C. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee calls on black youth to protest the draft May 8, 1967 by joining a march from 14th and H Streets NE to the Rayburn Office Building.

About 100 students from different East Coast colleges marched from the Rosedale playground to the Rayburn Building where they were barred from entering the building or attending a hearing being conducted by U.S. Senator Mendel Rivers (D-S.C.) on the draft.

Call for a black power conference at Howard – May 1967

Huey LaBrie, one of the leaders of the student protests at Howard University in 1967 issues a call for a black power student conference to be held in Washington, D.C. May 19-21, 1967.

The informal conference was a run-up to the larger Newark Conference held in the summer ofr1967 that included the NAACP, The Urban League, Afro-American Unity, Harlem Mau and Maus along prominent leaders such as Jessie Jackson, Ron Karenga, Floyd McKissick, Rap Brown, and Charles 27X Kenyatta.

Following up the Newark conference, Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture) pulled together a Black United Front in the District of Columbia in January 1968 that was intended to act as a unified voice for black people in the city.

LaBrie was the brother of Aubrie LaBrie who was a prominent black leader at San Francisco State University. Huey LaBrie was a  leader of the 1967 Black Power Committee on the Howard campus along with Dr. Nathan Hare, Robin Gregory and others.

Appeal to those facing induction into the military: 1967 ca.

The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and The Resistance publish a flyer handed out to draftees facing military induction outlining rights and appeals.

SNCC had morphed from a student civil rights organization into a Black liberation organization by 1967. It had always been opposed to the war in Vietnam. The Resistance was formed by four California-based anti-draft activists as a national network for direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System.

Draft Resisters Need Your Support – Nov. 1967

As part of the leadup to draft resisters week Dec. 4-11, 1967, Ethel and Julius Weisser sponsor a support party held on Dec. 1st for Akida Kimani, a black liberation activist facing extradition to California for draft evasion.

Archie Stewart provided music for the event. Kimani made a name for himself as an activist/leader in the Afro American Association, a black self-help group formed in 1962 in California with chapters in a number of cities and a few overseas.

Ethel and Julius Weisser were long-time activists in a wide variety of social and economic causes in the Washington, D.C. area.

Ethel Weisser was once secretary of the Washington Area Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1950s and fought a D.C. ballot initiative on mandatory minimum sentencing in the 1980s,

Ethel Weisser also served as a spokesperson for the local chapter of the Grey Panthers for more than 25 years.

Stewart was a local jazz guitarist who was performing with The New Thing group at the time and became a fixture at clubs and coffeehouses in the city during the 1970s.

White Man’s Road Through Black Man’s Home – 1968

This is a poster designed by Sammie Abbott of the Emergency Committee for the Transportation Crisis in 1968 that encapsulated the group’s fight against planned freeways in the District of Columbia.

In January 1967, Abbott used the words “a white man’s road…through black men’s homes,” in testimony before the National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) on the North Central Freeway.

Abbott may have used the words first, but Reginald Booker turned them into a slogan that galvanized black opposition to new highways and put the issue in stark racial terms. Abbott, a graphic arts designer, produced the dozens of posters and flyers that featured it.

The group would successfully lead a confrontational fight against new freeways, for public takeover of the private bus company and for construction of the new Metrorail system that resulted in almost complete victory against powerful opponents.

Flyer for the Poor People’s Campaign (national office) – 1968

An early flyer by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference national office in Atlanta, Ga. calling for a Poor People’s Campaign in Washington, D.C. in the spring of 1968.

The early demands were “jobs, income and a decent life.”

The six-week Poor People’s Campaign from May 21st until June 24th for economic justice and against the Vietnam War drew upwards of 100,000 people at its peak in addition to the 3,000 encamped on the national mall.

Flyer for the Poor People’s Campaign (Mississippi) 1968

An early flyer by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Grenada, Mississippi calling for a Poor People’s Campaign in Washington, D.C. in the spring of 1968.

The early demands were “Decent Jobs and Income!” and “The Right to a Decent Life.”

The six-week Poor People’s Campaign from May 21st until June 24th for economic justice and against the Vietnam War drew upwards of 100,000 people at its peak in addition to the 3,000 encamped on the national mall.

UMD Poor People’s Campaign support contacts – Mar. 1968

The University of Maryland Committee in Support of Dr. Martin Luther King’s Poor People’s Campaign publishes a list of College Park campus contacts in March 1968.

King would be assassinated prior to the campaign that brought several thousand people to Washington, D.C. who lived in plywood huts near the Lincoln Memorial May-June 1968 and conducted demonstrations and token civil disobedience throughout the city.

King had initially envisioned shutting down the city using civil disobedience to demand a minimum guaranteed income, among other demands, but those plans were abandoned after his death.

At its peak, the campaign drew upwards of 100,000 people to a rally.

Bob Simpson, a vintage and current Washington Area Spark contributor is listed as one of the contacts.

Marshals needed for Poor People’s Campaign – Mar. 1968 ca.

A plea for demonstration marshals is issued by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Poor People’s Campaign circa March 1968.

The flyer issues the plea in the name of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., indicating that it was printed prior to King’s assassination. Also of note is the plea for men—the movement for women’s equality had not yet come into full bloom.

The six-week Poor People’s Campaign from May 21st until June 24th for economic justice and against the Vietnam War drew upwards of 100,000 people at its peak in addition to the 3,000 encamped on the national mall.

UMD Poor People’s Campaign rally – Apr. 1968

An unsigned flyer, probably by the University of Maryland Committee in Support of Dr. Martin Luther King’s Poor People’s Campaign advertises a rally April 9, 1968 and calls on the school administration to open the campus for marchers to stay and to provide food and supplies.

King was assassinated days prior to the issuance of this flyer.

The campaign that brought several thousand people to Washington, D.C. who lived in plywood huts near the Lincoln Memorial May-June 1968 and conducted demonstrations and token civil disobedience throughout the city.

King had initially envisioned shutting down the city using civil disobedience to demand a minimum guaranteed income, among other demands, but those plans were abandoned after his death.

At its peak, the campaign drew upwards of 100,000 people to a rally.

Poor People’s Campaign questions and answers – Apr. 1968

The Poor People’s Campaign sets out its goals and beliefs in an 8 ½ x 11, four-page question-and-answer style flyer circa April 1968.

The six-week Poor People’s Campaign from May 21st until June 24th for economic justice and against the Vietnam War drew upwards of 100,000 people at its peak in addition to the 3,000 encamped on the national mall.

Poor People’s March timetable of events flyer – Apr. 1968

The Poor People’s Campaign of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) publishes on April 28, 1968 a six-page detailed timetable of the planned events of the campaign.

The six-week Poor People’s Campaign from May 21st until June 24th for economic justice and against the Vietnam War drew upwards of 100,000 people at its peak in addition to the 3,000 encamped on the national mall.

Poor People’s Campaign volunteer committees – Apr. 1968

The Poor People’s Campaign describes 18 volunteer committees to build the campaign in an 8 ½ x 11, three-page flyer circa April 1968.

The six-week Poor People’s Campaign from May 21st until June 24th for economic justice and against the Vietnam War drew upwards of 100,000 people at its peak in addition to the 3,000 encamped on the national mall.

Eldridge Cleaver speech flyer at American University – Oct. 1968

Black Panther Party Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver, presidential candidate on the Peace and Freedom Party ticket and author of Soul on Ice is invited to speak on the American University campus in Washington, D.C. 

The Panthers would establish a small chapter in the city in 1970 and prominent leaders, including David Hilliard, Huey Newton, Elbert “Big Man” Howard, Donald Cox, Eldridge Cleaver, and Kathleen Cleaver all made public appearances in the city.

American Independent Party candidate for President George Wallace handbill – Nov. 1968

A handbill passed out at polling places in Maryland November 5, 1968 for white supremacist candidate for president George Wallace who was running as a third-party candidate on the American Independent Party ticket.

Wallace hoped to garner enough electoral votes to throw the election into the House of Representatives where he could be a kingmaker and bargain to preserve white supremacy in the south. He won five southern states, but Richard M. Nixon won enough electoral votes to win the presidency.

Wallace ran behind both Nixon and Humbert Humphrey in Maryland in 1968, gaining about 170,000 votes to the other two nominees who each received about 470,000.

Farm Workers ‘Boycott Grapes’ flyer – 1969 ca.

A United Farm Workers Organizing Committee leaflet passed out in the Washington, D.C. are circa 1969 during the years-long boycott of California table grapes in an effort to secure a labor contract for farmworkers.

The United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC) union reached a three-year contract with major grape growers in 1970 after years of struggle and a nationwide grape boycott.. They also expanded into the lettuce fields and into the Florida fruit groves and vegetable fields and became the United Farmworkers Union.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Flyer and rallies call for King holiday – 1969

A flyer by the Metropolitan Community Aid Council calls for a national holiday and four Washington, D.C. community rallies April 4, 1969 on the one year anniversary of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr’s assassination  

The early calls for a national holiday on the anniversary of his assassination later gave way to demands for a holiday on King’s birthday.

The original is held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

A Memorial to Malcolm X – May 1969

A flyer published by the Malcolm X Memorial Committee advertises two days of events in the Washington, D.C. area in May 1969 commemorating the slain Black nationalist leader and his birthday.

The D.C. Committee was headed by chair Jan Bailey and co-chair Jean Koko Hughes, two people closely associated with Black nationalist leader and former SNCC chair Stokely Carmichael and who often traveled with him.

The previous year the committee attempted to have merchants in the 7th Street and 14th Street corridors shut their businesses on May 19th (Malcolm X Birthday) to mixed success.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

A Freedom School at Eastern High School – Sept. 1969

A September 28, 1969 letter from Acting Director of the Washington, D.C. Freedom School Charles Robinson to students in the public school system urging them to join in establishing a Freedom School annex at Eastern High School

It became the first public school curriculum to be designed by students.

The program ran concurrently with D.C. school year, offering elective credit in lieu of elective courses from regular curriculum at Eastern High School.

Two 3-hour sessions daily in Black History, Black Literature, Black Philosophy, Community Organization, Third World Studies, Contemporary Problems, Economics, Black Art and Drama, Black Music, Swahili.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Coolidge student march against the war flyer – Oct. 1969

A flyer advertises a demonstration held during the Vietnam Moratorium by black students at Coolidge High School in Washington, D.C. October 15, 1969.

Over 100 students from Coolidge High School sought to enter the White House grounds with a black pinewood coffin containing letters from students asking President Nixon to end the war.

Refused entry by White House guards, the students pressed forward anyway. Park and metropolitan police bolstered the guards and arrested three students and one passerby. 500 bystanders gathered around the confrontation angrily shouting at police to let the arrested students go.

D.C. WITCH urges participation in Panther defense – 1969

The Washington, D.C. Women’s International Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH) group issues a flyer calling on women to participate in a November 22, 1969 protest in New Haven, Conn. Against treatment of six Black Panther Party women that were imprisoned.

The reverse side of the flyer is a joint call by the New England Women’s Liberation Group and the Black Panther Party to join in the demonstration.

Freedom Seder – April 1969

The first Freedom Seder organized by Arthur Waskow and scheduled for April 4, 1969 at the Lincoln Memorial Temple in Washington, D.C. is advertised in this flyer.

Also advertised in the first Freedom Sedar are readings by Channing Phillips, Phillip Berrigan and Rabbi Balfour Brickner. The three would weave the theme of Black liberation into the story of Passover. Topper Carew also ended up participating along with others.

Black Panthers seek to recruit D.C. white student allies – Dec. 1969

During the Black Panther recruiting drive in December 1969 led by Jim Williams, the group also sought to set up an affiliated chapter of the National Committee to Combat Fascism (NCCF).

The flyer publicizes a number of events designed to familiarize area students with the Panthers and to recruit members to the NCCF chapter.

The tour came shortly after the Chicago police murder of Fred Hampton on Dec. 4thand this event is addressed on the reverse side of the flyer.

The NCCF only functioned for a short time, but the Panthers established a full-fledged chapter at their announcement of the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention at the Lincoln Memorial in June 1970.

Flyer calling for a strike and school boycott on King’s birthday – 1970

A flyer calling calling for a work stoppage on the birthday of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr January 15, 1970 also advertises a rally at Howard University.

The work and school boycott achieved some success across the Washington, D.C. City agencies reported absenteeism as high as one-third of the normal staff. In the sanitation department where garbage collectors had which been designated as “essential” employees, 70 percent were absent.

Teachers across the city were absent in higher rates as well with the Washington Post reporting that 40 teachers were absent at the Moten Elementary school in Anacostia.

Students across the region also boycotted classes. The Washington Post reported that 800 students out of 2,400 at Eastern High School in the city were absent. “School attendance also declined in Arlington, Prince Georges and Fairfax counties, the newspaper reported.

Call to support the Panther New Haven 9 – Apr. 1970

An unsigned and undated flyer (circa April 1970) addressed primarily to the black community calling for rallying around the Black Panther Party New Haven 9 that including Panther chair Bobby Seale.

The flyer specifically addresses criticism from some sectors of the black community over the support of the Panthers’ white allies and is published just before a mass rally to coincide with the opening of the trial of Seale and Ericka Huggins.

Ericka Huggins, a D.C. native and a New Haven, Ct. Panther leader, and Seale were charged with the murder and kidnapping of an alleged police informant, Alex Rackley. Huggins was one of the main leaders of the New Haven Panther chapter. The trial resulted in a hung jury for the two and prosecutors dropped all charges against them shortly afterward.

Call to protect the D.C. Black Panther organizing office – Apr. 1970

An unsigned, undated flyer calling on supporters of the Black Panther Party to protect the Party organizing headquarters in Washington, D.C. and to attend the May 1, 1970 rally in New Haven, Ct. in support of Panther chair Bobby Seale and New Haven Panther leader Ericka Huggins.

For a period of days, white supporters sat outside the National Committee to Combat Fascism, the Panther organizing office, on 18th Street NW as a buffer against possible police action until the immediate threat subsided.

Carpools were organized from Washington, D.C. to New Haven where 15,000 demonstrated for the Panther leaders’ freedom. They had been charged with murder, but the trial resulted in a hung jury and charges were dropped thereafter.

The D.C. police did raid the Panther’s on July 4, 1970 while they were celebrating on the holiday with community members.

The flyer was probably published in late April 1970.

Remember the Augusta Six – May 1970

A rally is called at the University of Maryland College Park May 20, 1970 to honor the six slain black men in Augusta, Ga. who were shot to death by police—most apparently in the back—while they were protesting the violent death of a 16-year-old that was in police custody.

The campus was under martial law at the time following two weeks of confrontations between students and National Guard and police. Gatherings were prohibited. This is likely why the flyer is unsigned. The first demand of the 1970 student strike was the ending of repression of black people.

Black Panther Party call for a rally and press conference at the Lincoln Memorial – June 1970

The Black Panther Party issues a call for a rally and press conference at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. to be held June 19, 1970—Emancipation Day—to announce plans for a Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention.

The tabloid-sized call was put out by the D.C. chapter of the National Committee to Combat Fascism—a Panther allied group that permitted whites to join.

The broadside referred to Judge Julius Hoffman’s chaining Panther leader Bobby Seale to a chair during the trial of the Chicago 8:

“The shackling like a slave of Black Panther Party Chairman Bobby Seale is like the reincarnation of Dred Scott 1857. This brazen violation of Bobby Seale’s Constitutional rights exposes without a doubt that black people have no rights that the racist oppressor is bound to respect.”

The press conference drew about 1,000 people. 

Black Panther Party Message to America – Jun. 1970

The Black Panther Party issues a “Message to America, delivered on the 107th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation at Washington, D.C., Capital of Babylon, world racism and imperialism, June 19, 1970.”

The proclamation was issued at a rally at the Lincoln Memorial atte4nded by about 1,000 people on the occasion of calling for Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention to write a new document outlining what a new America would look like.

Black Panther Party call for a Revolutionary Peoples Constitutional Convention – June 1970

The Black Panther Party issued its call for a Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. June 19, 1970 (Juneteenth).

This tabloid size paper contains the proclamation and essays by Chair Huey Newton and Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver.

D.C. Black Panther Party press release – July 1970

A press release by the newly formed Washington, D.C. chapter of the Black Panther Party issued July 5, 1970 after a raid by the D.C. police.

Call to plenary session of the Revolutionary Convention – Aug. 1970

The four regional offices of the Black Panther Party, including the southern regional office headquartered in Washington, D.C., publish this two-sided invitation to the plenary of the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention to be held in Philadelphia, Pa. September 5-7, 1970.

Guide to the Philadelphia plenary of the Black Panther Revolutionary Convention – Sept. 3, 1970

A four-page pull-out guide produced by the alternative newspaper Philadelphia Plain Dealer to the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention Plenary (RPCC) held in Philadelphia, Pa. Sept. 4-7 organized under the auspices of the Black Panther Party.

Contains the agenda, workshop information, maps of the city and convention proceedings, a guide to legal issues, a list of information centers and friendly nearby restaurants.

The Plenary of the RPCC was generally deemed a success by the 10,000 participants, but a coordinated effort to deny a venue for the convention itself held in Nov. 1970 in Washington, D.C. ultimately doomed the effort to adopt a unified platform for revolutionary groups.

Southern Regional Headquarters Black Panther Party on venue for planned revolutionary convention – Sept. 1970

A two-sided informational flyer put out by the Southern Regional headquarters of the Black Panther Party located in Washington, D.C. early in the battle (probably late Sept. 1970) over obtaining a venue for the planned Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention.

The reverse side of the flyer appeals for logistical support for the planned convention.

The Armory Board would turn down the Panthers, citing the need for the armory in the event the National Guard was called up to quell Panther violence.

The Panthers would also be turned down by the University of Maryland and would be rejected by Howard and American Universities as well. Howard demanded a large upfront cash payment bond far exceeding the resources of the Panthers.

The Panthers ultimately cobbled together churches and other facilities and held a semblance of a convention attended by a few thousand with workshops and the drafting of different parts of a revolutionary constitution, but a venue was never found for the requisite mass meetings.

Panther Trial News, What’s Really Happening at the Trial of Bobby and Ericka – Oct. 25, 1970

The October 25, 1970 edition of Panther Trial News, What’s Really Happening at the Trial of Bobby and Ericka covers two weeks of pretrial motions in the case of Black Panther leaders Ericka Huggins and Bobby Seale.

One of the motions involved a defense effort to have charges dropped due to the inability to get a fair trial due to pre-trial publicity.

The other motion sought to show that the defendants couldn’t get a fair trial because the jury selection system was biased against black people.

In May 1971 the jury deadlocked 11 to 1 for Seale’s acquittal and 10 to 2 for Huggins’ acquittal. Prosecutors dropped the charges shortly afterward.

D.C. Black Panther Party free children’s breakfast program – Oct. 1970

Although the D.C.  chapter only formed a few months previously, this flyer announces the opening of a second location for the Black Panther Party free breakfast for children program. One at their Community Center at 1932 17th Street NW and the other at 2804 14th Street NW.

Black Panther Party calls for rally at Malcolm X Park – Oct. 1970

The Black Panther Party calls for a rally at Malcolm X Park protesting the failure of the D.C. Armory Board to permit the Panthers to use the facility for the planned Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention.

The Panthers would also be rejected by the University of Maryland, Howard University and American University before cobbling together several church venues and a private school.

However none of the facilities had the capacity to host the necessary mass meetings and the attempted convention ultimately did not achieve its goals.

Draft explanation of Panther RPCC convention – Oct. 1970

A short draft flyer explaining the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention (RPCC) in Washington, D.C. was written circa October 1970 probably by Craig Newman of the Mother Bloor Collective.

The flyer explains the need for a new U.S. constitution and explains the plenary session held in September in Philadelphia and the upcoming RPCC sponsored by the Black Panther Party in November.

Mother Bloor was formed in the main by former University of Maryland student activists as one of many Marxist-Leninist collectives that sprung up around the country in the late 1960s and early 1970s during the height of the anti-Vietnam War and Black power movements.

Maryland’s Mother Bloor Collective and DRUM defend Panther’s RPCC – Oct. 1970

The Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Ella Reeve Bloor Collective (Mother Bloor) publish an explanation of the Black Panther Party-sponsored Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention plenary session in Philadelphia, Pa. and re-iterate that the full convention scheduled for Washington, D.C. in November 1970 will be held.

Due to political pressure from the federal government and local authorities, suitable venues in the Washington, D.C. area, including Howard University, the University of Maryland and the D.C. Armory all rejected the Panther convention. While several thousand streamed into the city and small activities were held, no plenary session was ever convened.

On the back side of the flyer are hand-written lyrics to a song popularized by the Weather Underground: Red Party Fights to Win.

Panther Defense Committee reprint of a Washington Post editorial on freedom of assembly – Oct. 1970

Panther Defense Committee reprint of a Washington Post editorial on freedom of assembly: Oct. 1970

The Black Panther Defense Committee publishes a flyer reprinting an October 16, 1970 editorial condemning the D.C. Armory for refusing to host the Panther-sponsored Reovlutionary People’s Constitutional Convention scheduled for Washington, D.C. in November.

The flyer declares that the convention will not be stopped and “will be held if it has to be held in the streets.” It also makes an appeal for funds.

Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention Plenary workshop reports – Nov. 1970

An unsigned document provides workshop reports and notes from the plenary session of the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia held Sept. 5-7, 1970 for the upcoming Constitutional Convention scheduled in Washington, D.C. Nov. 27-29, 1970.

The convention was an attempt by the Black Panther Party to unite disparate elements of a larger “movement” and provide a revolutionary blueprint for future struggle.

The Washington convention faltered when a large venue could not be secured due in part to FBI and other federal interference.

The Washington convention concluded without formalizing a revolutionary constitution.

The workshop reports include the following areas:

Women

Gay Men

Lesbian

Control of the means of production

Control and use of the land

Control and use of the military

Internationalism

Self determination for minorities

Self determination for street people

The family and the rights of children

Revolutionary Artist

Religious Oppression/New Humanism

Drugs

Health

Noticeably absent was any discussion of the environment nor a specific workshop on law enforcement, education, housing, guaranteed national income, or social security/pensions.

Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention bumper sticker – Nov. 1970

A bumper sticker for the Black Panther Party—sponsored  Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in Washington, D.C. to be held November 27-29 1970 at an as yet unidentified location does not have a credit line but was probably the Panthers..

A suitable venue was never found with the D.C. Armory Board, Howard University and the University of Maryland rejecting the group, among others.

The convention was cobbled together at various churches through the city, but was unable to hold a mass gathering of the several thousand who arrived in the city.

As a result of having no venue, there was no vote or amendments or discussion of the results of the Philadelphia plenary session held in September or the workshops held in Washington, D.C.

Black Panthers call for D.C. Revolutionary Convention – Nov. 1970

The Ministry of Information for the Black Panther Party issues a call for a Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in Washington, D.C. to be held November 27-29 1970 at an as yet unidentified location.

This 11 x 17 pamphlet contained a long treatise on the way forward for revolutionaries. Unfortunately several pages are missing from this copy.

However, enough remains that lays out a critique of Marxism in the U.S. that can be identified with the Eldridge Cleaver trend within the party.

The tract posits that the lumpen proletariat (long-term unemployed, petty criminals) are the revolutionary class in the United States and specifically criticizes predominantly white left-wing groups that upheld the working class.

Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention handout – Nov. 1970

This 4-page unsigned handout expresses the views of the Black Panther Party and was probably published by that organization.

It was part of the package of materials given to people who registered for the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in November 1970.

RPCC women’s workshop issues statement of solidarity with Panthers – Nov. 1970

The women’s workshop of the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention issues a statement of solidarity with the Black Panther Party during the Nov. 27-29 convention.

The Jewish Urban Guerrilla and the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention – Nov. 1970

The Jews for Urban Justice put out a flyer In November 1970 for a series of workshops held simultaneously with the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in Washington, D.C. posing the question, “Is it possible to be a revolutionary, support the Panthers, and still be a Jew?” among other topics.

The group was formed in the summer of 1968 to oppose anti-black racism from white Jewish landlords and business owners.

The JUJ was a key organizer of a Freedom Sedar that drew over 800 diverse people in 1969 and participated in the Poor People’s Campaign, welfare rights and the Delano grape boycott, among other activities. Its most prominent member was Arthur Waskow, a founder of the Institute for Policy Studies and a long-time left-wing activist.

Position paper on workers for Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention: 1970

The Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM), a primarily student group based at UMD College Park, puts out a flyer outlining its position on workers for the Revolutionary Peoples’ Constitutional Convention scheduled for Nov. 27-29 in Washington, D.C

The convention was spearheaded by the Black Panther Party.

It calls for workers control of the means of production, minority guaranteed a proportional share of work and decision-making, guaranteed employment, a national production plan, and guaranteed education and training.

Angela Answers 13 Questions – Circa Nov. 1970

A four-page tabloid-size pamphlet produced by the Baltimore and Washington, D.C. Committees to Free Angela Davis reprints a Joe Walker interview with Davis conducted for Muhammad Speaks—the newspaper of the Nation of Islam.

It was the first wide-ranging interview conducted with the open Communist Party member Davis following her October 13, 1970 arrest for “aggravated kidnapping and first degree murder” for the attempted escape of Jonathan Jackson and two other prisoners in California during which they were killed along with a judge they had kidnapped.

Prosecutors alleged she provided the weapons used by the prisoners in the attempted escape. A nationwide “Free Angela” movement followed.

She was acquitted in a high profile June 1972 trial and continues to be active in social justice causes.

D.C. Patriot Party distributes ‘Free Bobby Seale’ flyer – 1971

A flyer published by the Patriot Party, a white left-wing revolutionary organization aligned with the Black Panther Party, that was distributed in the greater Washington, D.C. area in 1971 and calls for freedom for Bobby Seale, a Panther leader.

The Patriot Party organized in the Washington, D.C. area 1970-71 out of the Panther office and their Community Center focusing are far southeast Washington where working class whites still lived and the inner suburbs of Prince George’s County.

The Patriots struggled in the D.C. as Arthur Turco, one of the leaders of the national organization, was indicted in May 1970 for ordering the killing of Baltimore Black Panther suspected of being an informant. The indictment of Turco and a number of Baltimore Panthers consumed much of the effort by Patriot organizers in the Washington area.

The organization was not related to the later right wing organization of the same name.

Call for an anti-Klan rally in Maryland – 1971

A flyer for an anti-Klan demonstration sponsored by Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF) in Rising Sun, Maryland June 19, 1971.

About two miles outside of town, a counter-demonstration of about 50 organized by YAWF picketed the Klan picnic held prior to their scheduled night rally and cross burning.

The demonstration was held on a ten foot strip of land between the road and George Boyle farm fence on Sylmar Road. The state had erected “no parking” signs only days before and stationed state troopers nearby. Demonstrators were forced to have several vans drive back and forth along the narrow road in the event of trouble.

The only incident occurred when a young Klansman spit across the fence at demonstrators. The night rally brought Robert Shelton, Imperial Wizard of the United Klans of America, to the farm for hate speeches and their cross burning before a crowd of several hundred.

Fight the Energy Freeze: Jan – 1974

The D.C. branch of the African Liberation Support Committee puts its turn toward Marxism into practice as it issues a flyer January 26, 1974 calling for a meeting at Pride, Inc. to fight the energy crisis.

Annapolis Report, Vol. 2. No. 2 – Feb. – 1974

The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Maryland Public Employees Council 67 reports in its February 12, 1974 legislative newsletter on its efforts to convince the state legislature to declare Rev. Martin Luther King’s birthday a state holiday.

The Maryland House and Senate later passed the bill making Maryland the second state to honor Dr. King’s civil rights legacy in 1974.

Baraka’s vision for Congress of Afrikan People – Mar. 1974

Imamu Amiri Baraka writes a short analysis of the situation facing black revolutionaries that is delivered to the Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) in March 1974 and represents the transformation of the organization from a pan-Africanist, black nationalist organization to a Marxist-Leninist.

Baraka’s gives his analysis of the current situation and lays out a political program and organizational program to further the cause of black liberation.

Specifically he calls for expanding CAP cadre and working within the African Liberation Support Committee and the broader National Black Political Assembly.

CAP would ultimately re-name itself the Revolutionary Communist League (Marxist-Leninist-Mao Tse-tung Thought), later merging into the League of Revolutionary Struggle (Marxist-Leninist) before that group split. Part of the League joined the Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

African liberation activist D.C. newspaper – May 1974

The Washington, D.C. chapter of the African Liberation Support Committee (ALSC) briefly published a tabloid newspaper in 1974 called Finally Got the News named after the film of the same name that depicted the League of Revolutionary Black Workers struggle in Detroit.

The large African Liberation Day rally in 1972 was the driver behind forming the national ALSC composed mainly of pan-Africanists and black nationalists.

By 1973 a split was developing within the ALSC over working with white organizations that supported African liberation as urged by some leaders of the movements in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique.

Read the local Finally Got the News May 1974 issue to understand the shift in emphasis to the black working class along with supporting African liberation.

Call to march against white supremacy in Boston – Dec. 1974

The Emergency Committee for a National Mobilization Against Racism issues a call to march in Boston Dec. 14, 1974 after white mobs hurled racial epithets and attacked school buses carrying black children at the South Boston High School.

Four buses left Washington, D.C. carrying about 180 people while dozens more made the drive up the east coast to join an estimated 15,000 demonstrators who ranged from pacifists to Marxist poet Amiri Baraka.

Comedian and activist Dick Gregory told the crowd, “Let’s not fool ourselves, the schools in South Boston are just as bad as the schools in Roxbury. What we really want is an end to bad schooling.”

CAP offers critical support for Boston busing march – Dec. 1974

The Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) issues a flyer offering critical support to a march against racism in Boston, Massachusetts at the height of the Boston busing crisis where thousands of white parents and students fought against integration of schools in that city in 1974-75.

CAP called for upholding the right of all students to attend any school, but called the focus misplaced and instead put forth the demand of a decent education for all students, black and white.

CAP was a Black Marxist-Leninist organization headed by renowned poet Amiri Baraka. It eventually became the League of Revolutionary Struggle and later many of its member joined the Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

Wilmington 10 brochure – May 1975

A 1975 brochure issued by the National Alliance Against Racism and Political Repression (NAARPR) calls for a demonstration in Washington, D.C. to support the Wilmington 10—Rev. Ben Chavis, eight Black high school students and one White woman–charged with arson and conspiracy during racial disturbances in Wilmington, N.C. in 1971.

The May 31, 1975 rally drew over 1,000 to Lafayette Park where they heard speeches by Communist Party Black leader Angela Davis and Joan Little, whose 1974 acquittal in North Carolina for killing a jail guard during an attempted rape drew national attention.

The NAARPR’s brochure attempts to link the state of North Carolina’s long battle to attain low-wages in their factories to the repression of the 10 defendants.

I Am We newsletter—Huey Newton and Panther support committee: 1975

The Committee for Justice for Huey P. Newton and the Black Panther Party publishes its third newsletter May-June 1975.

“I Am We,” the national newsletter published in Oakland, Ca,. contains reports of a call for an investigation into CIA “abuses against minority and civil rights organizations” and poetry from Huey Newton, including “Revolutionary Suicide.”

Congress of Afrikan People Unity & Struggle newspaper: 1976

The May 1976 issue of Unity and Struggle—the newspaper of the Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) led by Imamu Amiri Baraka.

CAP was at this point a Marxist-Leninist organization that followed the positions of the People’s Republic of China, including accepting the so-called three-worlds theory where the U.S. and the Soviet Union were equal enemies of people world-wide.

As one of three marches on African Liberation Day in 1976, the African Liberation Support Committee marched from the White House to Malcolm X Park. By this point in time the ALSC had come to be dominated by organizations and individuals learning toward Maoism, including CAP and  Baraka.

Call to protest U.S. visit of South African official Pik Botha – May 1981

The Coalition to Stop U.S.-South African Collaboration issues a flyer to protest the state visit of the White-supremacist regime Minister of Foreign Affairs Pik Botha in Washington, D.C. May 14, 1981.

The coalition was composed of D.C. Bank Campaign, Southern Africa Support Project, Trans Africa and the Washington Office on Africa.

Botha was invited to the White House to confer with U.S. President Ronald Reagan after meeting with Secretary of State Alexander Haig earlier in the day.

Martin Luther King Jr. birthday celebration: 1992

A 1992 Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. birthday celebration at Howard University’s Crampton Auditorium featuring Mint Condition.

Singer Chris Walker received second bill. Both Mint Condition and Chris Walker had released popular albums at the time and were a big draw for the event.

King’s birthday became a federal holiday in 1986.

Communists

The Communist Party’s Third Period

The Communist Party in the U.S. was the leading activist organization in the country from its formation in 1919 into the 1950s when it fell victim to an anti-communist crusade and internal divisions that decimated the organization.

It was supplanted by activist civil rights organizations like SCLC, CORE and later SNCC and the Students for Democratic Society and other “New Left” organizations in the 1960s. The Third Period was an analysis adopted by the Communist International (Comintern) at its Sixth World Congress, held in Moscow in the summer of 1928. The Comintern’s made an economic and political analysis of world capitalism that divided recent history into three periods.

The “First Period” that followed World War I was defined by a revolutionary upsurge that saw a brief seizure of power by the working class in Germany, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Iran and failed revolutionary attempts in Finland, Italy, Netherlands, Bessarabia, Georgia, Estonia and Belgium.

The “Second Period” saw capitalist consolidation for most of the decade of the 1920s.

The “Third Period,” according to the Comintern’s analysis began from 1928 onward and was to be a time of widespread economic collapse and mass working class radicalization. This economic and political discord would again make the time ripe for proletarian revolution if militant policies were rigidly maintained by communist vanguard parties, the Comintern believed.

The analysis initially seemed accurate as the Great Depression swept Western economies.

Communist policies during the Third Period were marked by a denunciation of reformism and political organizations espousing which was seen as an impediment to the movement’s revolutionary objectives. While the analysis was accurate in understanding the coming crisis of capitalism, revolution did not occur in any Western countries.

The errors in understanding conditions led the Comintern to believe that the 1932 Bonus March in the U.S., with thousands of veterans gathering in the nation’s capital, was a revolutionary situation.

The rise of the Nazi Party to power in Germany in 1933 and destruction of the largest organized communist movement in the West there shocked the Comintern into re-assessing the tactics of the Third Period.

From 1934, new alliances began to be formed under the aegis of the so-called “Popular Front” against fascism. The Popular Front policy was formalized as the official policy of the world communist movement by the Seventh World Congress of the Comintern in 1935. Third period documents available:

Stop lynching; demand death penalty – 1931

A flyer advertising a December 29, 1931 Washington, D.C. meeting sponsored by communist aligned groups to protest recent lynchings is shown above.

The flyer demands the death penalty for the murderers of Matthew Williams in Salisbury, Maryland and Sam Jackson and George Banks in Lewisburg, West Virginia.

The League of Struggle for Negro Rights, the International Labor Defense and the Scottsboro Defense Committee were all communist-led organizations.

Toward a Soviet America by William Z Foster – 1932

This book documents the rise of socialism in the Soviet Union, the crisis facing capitalism, the need for revolution, and a vision of what a socialist society would be like in the United States.

The book also attacks social-democrats and liberals calling them “Social Fascists” because they seek to give the masses concessions in order to calm them and prevent communist revolution. It is probably the best-known book published by the Communist Party, USA.

Foster organized the packing house workers along industrial lines during World War I and led the failed steel strike of 1919 that also organized workers along industrial lines. It would be another 20 years before Foster’s industrial strategy was successful.

He served as chair of the Communist Party USA from 1924-34 and from 1945-57.

Highway of Hunger: The Story of America’s Homeless Youth by Dave Doren – 1933

This pamphlet portrays a bleak future for youth whether they are the children of unemployed or college graduates—unless a revolution led by the Communist Party prevails. Doran joined the Young Communist League in 1930 and went to the Deep South to build up membership of the YCL among the unemployed.

In Scottsboro, Alabama, he was beaten up after he became involved in the campaign to free the “Scottsboro Boys.” In 1931 he joined the Communist Party USA and worked as a trade union organizer with agricultural workers in Alabama, textile workers in North Carolina) and coal miners in Pennsylvania).

By 1936 he was the party’s director of trade union activities. He joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade to fight fascism in Spain. After showing heroism in a number of battles, he was promoted to political commissioner for a battalion.

He was believed to be captured and executed on April 2, 1938 in Gandesa, during the Retreats phase of the Spanish Civil War.

Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International and Draft Resolution of the 8th Convention of the Communist Party, USA – Mar. 1934

These were two documents produced at the end of the third period and reiterate the premises of the 1928 analysis with few changes. In practice, the formation of a united front against fascism began to be implemented in 1934 but these documents had not caught up to the times. 

Following the Nazi seizure of power in Germany in 1933 and the subsequent crushing of the Communist Party in Germany—the largest in the West—caused Soviet leader Josef Stain to rethink whether a revolutionary situation, in fact, had developed.

He came to the conclusion that the greatest danger lay in the development of fascism in the advanced capitalist countries and began urging an anti-fascist alliance with sections of the capitalists that were opposed to fascism. It was widely called the “Popular Front.”

Virginia communists denounce Heller bill – 1940

The Virginia Communist Party issues a lengthy statement March 11, 1940  condemning the General Assembly for passing the so-called Heller Bill that would deny public facilities to communists or others.

Specifically, the bill would have instructed “custodians of all public buildings in Virginia” to deny the use of such buildings to anyone who “advocate, advise or teach the doctrine that the government of the United States or the Commonwealth of Virginia, or any political subdivision thereof should be overthrown or overturned by force violence or any unlawful means.”

After it passed the state senate without fanfare, a campaign was launched to defeat the bill in the Virginia House of Delegates.

Delegate Francis Pickins Miller of Fairfax called it “a departure from the policies this state has cherished for three centuries” and declared it would “create a new public officer in Virginia, the custodian of dangerous thoughts.”

Gov. James Price ultimately vetoed the bill in a victory for the communists and civil liberties advocates.

The “Popular Front” briefly dissolved from 1939-41 after the Soviet Union reached a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany giving more impetus to anti-communist legislation, including the Smith Act which was enacted into law by Congress in 1940.

Liquidation of the U.S. Communist Party

After pursuing the Popular Front strategy for 10 years, CPUSA chair Earl Browder formulated a new analysis after the Teheran conference in 1943 between Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt and Josef Stalin.

The Teheran conference cemented the World War II alliance between England, the United States and the Soviet Union and Browder believed that a permanent truce had been arranged between the anti-fascist capitalists and the communists. He proposed liquidating the U.S. Communist Party and replacing it with a Communist Political Association that would act as a kind of “left wing” of both the Democratic and Republican Parties.

Only a few U.S. communists in leadership positions opposed the change; notably William Z. Foster, the former chair; Anna Damon, executive secretary of the International Labor Defense and Sam Darcy, a communist leader who led the 1930 unemployed march in New York and played a key role in the West Coast Longshore strike of 1934.

A Communist Party convention in 1944 completed the transformation. After World War II ended, it became clear that the United States and the Soviet Union would be in competition although it was not yet clear that a complete break would occur.

A letter was circulated among high party officials in Moscow denouncing Browder’s move to dissolve the party. It was partially based on Foster’s opposition to Browder’s move. French communist leader Jacques Duclos put his name to the letter and released it publicly.

The CPUSA was reconstituted and Browder expelled. However, there was little time for the party to come to terms with the easy acceptance of Browder’s liquidation of the organization before the Cold War and anti-communist hysteria swept the US in the late 1940s.

Many later analysts believe this left the communists unprepared for the onslaught they would face and in the end, leave them marginalized.

Popular Front documents available:

Invitation to Join the Communist Party by Robert Minor – 1943

The pamphlet wraps itself in the American flag and closely hues the Popular Front thesis. There is no real mention of revolution or socialism and the tract puts forward several important, but ultimately reformist demands.

Liquidation of the Communist Party documents available:

Shall the Communist Party Change Its Name? – Essays by Earl Browder, Eugene Dennis, Roy Hudson and John Williamson – Feb. 1944

Party chair Earl Browder and other U.S. communist leaders argue that the Communist Party should turn itself into a communist political association–essentially a left-wing caucus within the Democratic and Republican parties. No longer will candidates run on the Communist Party ballot line and the organization will open itself up to non-communists.

Communist Political Association – Oct. 1944

After the U.S. Communist Party is dissolved and replaced by the Communist Political Association, the new Maryland group unabashedly pushes Franklin Roosevelt for President while putting forward an eight-point political program that it asks congressional candidates from both parties to embrace.

U.S. Communist Party during the 2nd Red Scare

After World War II, the former allies of the U.S. and the Soviet Union quickly became in competition with each other, particularly after the U.S. promulgated the Marshall Plan designed to rebuild Western Europe along a capitalist economy.

The most provocative part of the plan offered the same type of aid to some Eastern European countries that it had earlier agreed would be in the Soviet sphere of influence.

Once the dividing line became clear, both Republican and Democrats took aim at the U.S. Communist Party with a series of laws and propaganda designed to discredit the party.

Where once the party had been a very junior partner in the Roosevelt New Deal, it now had a target on its back. Dozens were jailed, hundreds lost their jobs and countless more who were not communists at all had their reputations besmirched. Eleven unions were forced out of the mainstream labor movement that represented about 3.5 million members.

Many have charged that the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg was primarily designed to send a message to communists and supporters in the U.S.

Virginia House Bill No. 6 criminalizing beliefs – Jan. 1948

House Bill No. 6, introduced January 15, 1948 in the House of Delegates of the Virginia General Assembly, seeks to criminalize beliefs—particularly the belief in the necessity of overthrowing the existing government of Virginia or the United States.

Further, mere membership in or aiding or abetting a group that believes in replacing the current government is considered felony criminal behavior under the bill.

The bill was introduced by Del. Frank P Moncure of Stafford and Del. Baldwin G Locher of Rockbridge County. Moncure said on the floor of the House, “Mr. Locher and myself have today introduced a bill which has for its purpose the barring of communism from the state off Virginia, and to outlaw the Communist Party…”

Penalties of from 3 to 5 years and fines up to $1,000 are provided for violators of the act.

A version of the bill ultimately passed in 1950 and remains part of the Virginia code.

 

‘Five Men on a Hunger Strike’ – Mar. 1948

The American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born issues a tri-fold 8 ½ x 11 pamphlet describing the pending deportation cases of five left-wing leaders in the U.S. in 1948 and appeals for support.

The four, Gerhard Eisler a longtime Communist Party member in Austria, Germany and the United States; John Williamson, labor secretary for the Communist Party, Ferdinand C. Smith, Secretary of the National Maritime Union, CIO and Charles A. Doyle, vice president of the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers, CIO. A fifth labor leader, Irving Potash, manager of the Furriers Joint Council, was also slated for deportation.

Smith was the highest-ranking African American in the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) at the time.

The hunger strike ended when the four (Potash was released earlier) were granted bail on March 6th. However, all were ultimately forced out of the country at various times in the 1950s.

D.C. May Day Rally flyer – 1948

A May Day rally flyer sponsored by the Communist Party of the District of Columbia around the demands of D.C. suffrage, against Jim Crow, for equal rights, for peace—against the war makers.

The rally was to be held at the National Press Building May 2, 1948.

Daily Worker on U.S. communist leaders’ arrest – Jul. 1948

The Daily Worker, publication of the Communist Party USA, reports on the initial arrest of its leaders July 21, 1948 for advocating overthrow of the U.S. government as defined under the Smith Act.

The issue also contains a statement issued by the Communist Party on the arrest of their leaders.

House Un-American Activities Committee anti-communist guide – Jun. 1948

“100 Things You Should Know About Communism in the USA.” is published by the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) June 17, 1948.

The 32-page guide posed questions on how you can tell if someone is a communist and listed what it said were the principal communist officers, both nationally and locally.

It was the first of a series of handbooks on communism to be published by the congressional committee and was later updated at least once in subsequent years.

Those named for the Maryland and District of Columbia district of the Communist Party located at 210 West Franklin Street, Baltimore, Md., and 527 Ninth Street NW, Washington, D.C. were:

Chairman (district)—Phil Frankfeld
Secretary (district)—Dorothy Blumberg
Chairman (District of Columbia section)—William Taylor
Vice chairman (District of Columbia section)—William S. Johnson
Secretary (District of Columbia section)—Elizabeth Searle
Treasurer (District of Columbia section)—Mary Stalcup
Literary director (District of Columbia section)—Casey Gurewitz
Cumberland organizer—Mel Fiske
Director, membership committee—Constance Jackson

Marie Richardson flyer – Dec. 1951

As the Second Red Scare moved into full swing, authorities brought felony charges against Marie Richardson Harris for lying on a federal job application. The federal government alleged she was a member of the Communist Party. Harris held the Library of Congress job for 2-3 months and handled no classified information.

However, she had been the first black woman to hold a full-time union position in a national union (United Federal Workers) and was executive secretary of the local National Negro Congress.

She served 4 ½ years in prison.

The case of Marie Richardson Harris: The victim of a modern witch-hunt – 1952

The Committee to Defend Marie Richardson Harris publishes an 8-page description of the case and appeals for help defending Ms. Harris who was sentenced to prison for failing to disclose communist affiliations on a government job application.

As the Second Red Scare moved into full swing, authorities brought felony charges against Marie Richardson Harris for lying on a federal job application. The federal government alleged she was a member of the Communist Party. Harris held the Library of Congress job for 2-3 months and handled no classified information.

However, she had been the first black woman to hold a full-time union position in a national union (United Federal Workers) and was executive secretary of the local National Negro Congress. She served 4 ½ years in prison.

Her defense committee had a fundraiser broken up by D.C. police and itself was later designated as a subversive organization by the U.S. government.

Maryland Civil Rights Congress calls for Rosenberg clemency – 1953 ca.

The newly formed affiliate of the Civil Rights Congress issues a press release calling on Maryland Gov. Theodore McKeldin to urge clemency and President Dwight Eisenhower to grant clemency to Julius and Ethel Rosenberg following the U.S. Supreme Court’s refusal to hear their case.

The Rosenbergs were convicted of passing atomic secrets to the Soviet Union during the second Red Scare  and executed in 1953 despite a world-wide campaign for clemency..

NLRB non-communist affidavit – circa 1955

The Taft-Harley Act passed in 1948 prohibited members of the Communist Party from holding labor union office if the union were to use provisions of the National Labor Relations Act.

It required officers to sign a “non-communist affidavit” in order for the union to be eligible for National Labor Relations Board services and the use of the law in disputes with employers.

The unions of the American Federation of Labor quickly agreed to this, but the Congress of Industrial Organizations briefly resisted and tried to use non-compliance with signing the affidavit as a direct action way of neutralizing other anti-labor provisions in the Taft-Hartley Act such as prohibition on secondary boycotts, sympathy strikes, authorization for states to enact so-called “right to work” laws, among others.

The refusal to sign quickly collapsed as major unions such as the United Auto Workers signed and anti-communist fervor swept the U.S. It wasn’t long before the CIO expelled or forced out 11 major national unions for alleged communist-domination and all the remaining union leaders signed the affidavits.

Many mark the decline of the labor movement to the Taft Harley Act and the inability of labor to wage effective resistance.

The New Communist Movement

The student upsurge in the mid and late 1960s produced a number of groups that styled themselves as anti-revisionist–those who rejected the Soviet Union’s state as going against Marxist-Leninist principles and headed toward restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union.

At one time the largest of these groups, the Revolutionary Union that subsequently evolved into the Revolutionary Communist Party sunk roots into the working class, established a student group and other organizations in other strata of society, did work among artists, poets and singers and mimicked in many ways the U.S. Communist Party of the Third Period.

New Communist Movement documents

Mother Jones collective exposes alleged police agent – 1970 ca.

The Mother Jones Collective in Baltimore, a Marxist-Leninist formation that grew out of the student movement, puts out a flyer describing a suspected police agent named John Shaw circa 1970.

The Mother Jones collective along with the Mother Bloor collective in Maryland were typical formations that grew out of the student movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s that laid some of the basis for the new communist movement of the 1970s.

The Mother Jones collective held Marxist-Leninist study sessions, developed communist work at factories, shipyards other places of employment in Baltimore, held rallies and demonstrations and defended the Baltimore Black Panther office among other activities.

Call for an anti-imperialist contingent in national antiwar march – May 1972

A flyer by the Attica Brigade, a youth group associated with the Maoist Revolutionary Union calls on people to join an anti-imperialist contingent in a larger march on Washington, D.C. to oppose the Vietnam War May 21, 1972.

While speeches took place before a crowd of 10-15,000 on the grounds of the U.S. Capitol, several thousand in the anti-imperialist contingent tossed rocks, bottles and other projectiles while police responded with clubs and tear gas.

D.C. police chief Jerry Wilson was hit six times with objects including a wooden stick that caused blood to run down his face.

Wilson was quoted, “They usually run when I walk toward them. This time they threw bigger rocks.”

A dozen police officers were injured and 178 protesters were arrested during the confrontation.

Baraka’s vision for Congress of Afrikan People – Mar. 1974

Imamu Amiri Baraka writes a short analysis of the situation facing black revolutionaries that is delivered to the Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) in March 1974 and represents the transformation of the organization from a pan-Africanist, black nationalist organization to a Marxist-Leninist.

Baraka’s gives his analysis of the current situation and lays out a political program and organizational program to further the cause of black liberation.

Specifically he calls for expanding CAP cadre and working within the African Liberation Support Committee and the broader National Black Political Assembly.

CAP would ultimately re-name itself the Revolutionary Communist League (Marxist-Leninist-Mao Tse-tung Thought), later merging into the League of Revolutionary Struggle (Marxist-Leninist) before that group split. Part of the League joined the Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

CAP offers critical support for Boston busing march – Dec. 1974

The Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) issues a flyer offering critical support to a march against racism in Boston, Massachusetts at the height of the Boston busing crisis where thousands of white parents and students fought against integration of schools in that city in 1974-75.

CAP called for upholding the right of all students to attend any school, but called the focus misplaced and instead put forth the demand of a decent education for all students, black and white.

CAP was a Black Marxist-Leninist organization headed by renowned poet Amiri Baraka. It eventually became the League of Revolutionary Struggle and later many of its member joined the Freedom Road Socialist Organization.

Congress of Afrikan People Unity & Struggle newspaper – 1976

The May 1976 issue of Unity and Struggle—the newspaper of the Congress of Afrikan People (CAP) led by Imamu Amiri Baraka.

CAP was at this point a Marxist-Leninist organization that followed the positions of the People’s Republic of China, including accepting the so-called three-worlds theory where the U.S. and the Soviet Union were equal enemies of people world-wide.

As one of three marches on African Liberation Day in 1976, the African Liberation Support Committee marched from the White House to Malcolm X Park. By this point in time the ALSC had come to be dominated by organizations and individuals learning toward Maoism, including CAP and  Baraka.

CAP would ultimately re-name itself the Revolutionary Communist League (Marxist-Leninist-Mao Tse-tung Thought), later merging into the League of Revolutionary Struggle (Marxist-Leninist) before that group split. Part of the League joined the Freedom Road Socialist Organization

We’ve Carried the Rich for 200 Years – 1976

As the 200th birthday of the United States approached in 1976, the Revolutionary Communist Party had a different vision of what that meant and organized a protest during the bicentennial celebration in Philadelphia.

About 3,000 marched through the streets of the city chanting revolutionary slogans and carrying banners—many from factories and plants from around the country. 

It was the last worker-based demonstration organized by the group, although it carried out a protest against revisionism in the communist movement attended by several hundred during the U.S. visit of Chinese premier Deng Xiaoping in Washington, D.C. in 1979 that resulted in the arrest of dozens and the exile of its leader Bob Avakian for many years.

Other significant demonstrations by the group include May Day events and antiwar demonstrations during both Iraq wars.

D.C. Area Miscellaneous

Washington Committee for Democratic Action conference call — Apr. 1940

The Washington Committee for Democratic Action, the local affiliate of the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, calls for a conference at the Washington Hotel at 15th and F Streets NW April 20-21, 1940.

Over 300 people attended the conference focused on civil rights, labor rights and gaining the right to vote and civil rights for District of Columbia residents.

Labor speakers included Rep. John Coffee (D-Wa.); John P. Davis, National Negro Congress; Arthur Stein, D.C. council of the United Federal Workers and David Lasser, president of the Workers Alliance; and Cecil Owen, president of the Washington Industrial Council, CIO.

Civil rights speakers included Rep. John Gavagan (D-N.Y.); Charles Hamilton Houston, general counsel of the NAACP; and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn of the Communist Party

The Washington Committee, along with the National Federation, merged with the International Labor Defense and the National Negro Congress to form the Civil Rights Congress in 1946.

YMCA Camp ‘Letts Talk” – Aug 1968

The August 18, 1968 edition of the YMCA Camp Letts newsletter Letts Talk shows the spread activist sentiment among youth at this point in time when a newspaper class at the camp interviewed campers and staff on their one wish—see page 4.

The peace symbol clearly indicates the editors’ point of view. In the interviews one staff member calls for an “End to the war in Indochina” while another staff member calls for “An end to pollution.”

The camp had been founded in 1906 as a relatively low-cost summer camp for white boys. It was nominally integrated in 1961 and began co-ed operations in 1975. Many of the counselors and staff of the camp were drawn from University of Maryland students.

UMD student government initiates “free university” – Oct. 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Student Government Association sponsors a “free university” on the campus with alternative seminars for those “tired of mass produced education” in the fall of 1968.

The 21 topics ranged from “The Urban Transportation Crisis or ‘White Men’s Roads’ through Black Men’s homes,” to “Introduction to the Philosophy of Ayn Rand.”

The free university was part of a “free community” movement in the greater Washington, D.C. area that involved free health clinics, breakfast for children’s programs, books, concerts and educational courses. The movement also included alternative newspapers, food co-ops, record co-ops and other alternative models.

Freedom Seder – April 1969

The first Freedom Seder organized by Arthur Waskow and scheduled for April 4, 1969 at the Lincoln Memorial Temple in Washington, D.C. is advertised in this flyer.

Also advertised in the first Freedom Sedar are readings by Channing Phillips, Phillip Berrigan and Rabbi Balfour Brickner. The three would weave the theme of Black liberation into the story of Passover. Topper Carew also ended up participating along with others.

D.C. Newsreel benefit – 1969

A flyer from the radical Washington Newsreel promotes the organization and a fundraiser scheduled for April 4, 1969 and announces that films will start to be made in the D.C. area within the next two months.

Newsreel were radical filmmakers that joined together in New York in 1968 and a few months later spread to San Francisco. Distribution centers were eventually set up in many cities around the country, including Washington, D.C.

Local filmmakers also began to join the effort.

In the era before Youtube, DVDs and streaming, Newsreel was a way for radical independent film makers to explore subjects and themes not covered by mainstream filmmakers or news outlets and gain audiences.

California Newsreel is the direct successor to this effort and continues to operate today.

DC Free University party and concert flyer: 1969

A flyer/mailer advertises a party July 26th and concert August 16, 1969 sponsored by the Washington Area Free University.

The Free University was part of a broad experiment in creating an alternative network of community based, collective life in the city during the late 1960s/early 1970s that included a free clinic, free universities, free concerts, alternative press, collective living, food cooperatives and other ventures.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

University of Maryland Free University: Fall 1969 ca.

The University of Maryland College Park Free University course offerings are outlined in this six-page, 8 ½ x 11 mimeographed guide circa fall 1969. The document is difficult to read due to the faded ink.

The Free University was organized by students and faculty who put forth the philosophy in the guide:

“The primary purpose of the program is to free faculty and students alike. In the rigid classroom structure many instructors find themselves teaching courses outside their fields of interest or competence. Due to college requirements and lack of personnel, many courses of current or even limited interest are bypassed.”

“The student too is encumbered with requirements and often find it difficult to achieve any kind of rapport with his instructor in the presence of 350 other classmates. It is also impossible to get “up tight” with a television.”

“Thus the free university offers a natural outlet for frustrated teachers and student alike.”

Courses covered radical politics, philosophy, self-help and a range of other topics. One of the professors, Peter Goldstone, would become a flashpoint for protest when he was terminated along with another professor in the spring of 1970.

‘Excel with Cassell’ school board flyer – Nov. 1969

School activist and freeway opponent Charles I. Cassell issues a flyer calling on voters to elect him to the District of Columbia school board in November 1969.

Cassell, a close ally of long-time school activist Julius Hobson, initially was ruled defeated by 34 votes when ballots were initially counted.

However, days after the results were announced a batch of uncounted ballots was discovered. This led to a court case over whether to count the ballots.

Ultimately the ballots were tallied and on January 16, 1970, Cassell was ruled to have won the election 12,499 to 12, 497—a whopping margin of two votes.

Underground paper criticism halts ‘love festival’ – 1970

The Emergency club and the Corcoran Gallery put out a leaflet calling for a “Now Love Festival” featuring concerts, a parade, a mass wedding, a costume party and circus acts scheduled for February 13-15 1970.

The festival was cancelled after criticism from the left-wing alternative newspaper Quicksilver Times which pointed out that the 10,000 fliers distributed did not advertise the admission prices for many of the events, leading many youth to believe the events were free of charge. The newspaper also took issue with commercializing “love.”

The newspaper’s criticism caused the Corcoran Gallery to fear that youth would steal or damage some of their artwork. Emergency owner Mike Schrielman defended the cover charges as a means of providing some money for struggling performers and said neither organization would make money off of the festival.

After meeting with Quicksilver Times staff, Schrielman tentatively re-scheduled the event for May 1 where it could be held outside and costs would be lower and the event could be free of charge.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

D.C. Newsreel lists available films – circa 1970

A circa 1970 flyer from the radical Washington Newsreel describes the films that are available to rent.

Newsreel were radical filmmakiers that joined together in New York in 1968 and a few months later spread to San Francisco. Distribution centers were eventually set up in many cities around the country, including Washington, D.C.

Local filmmakers also began to join the effort.

In the era before Youtube, DVDs and streaming, Newsreel was a way for radical independent film makers to explore subjects and themes not covered by mainstream filmmakers or news outlets and gain audiences.

Some of the early films included:

Black Panther; Mayday; High School, San Francisco State Strike; Army Film; People’s Park, Yippie; People’s War; Day of Plane Hunting; Isle of Youth; and  La Jolie Moi de Mai (My Beautiful May).

The Jewish Urban Underground coffeehouse – Oct. 1970

An 8 ½ x 14, two-sided flyer for the newly opened Jewish Urban Underground Coffeehouse circa October 1970 that featured a speakers’ calendar.

The coffeehouse was sponsored by Jews for Urban Justice which describes itself in the flyer aas “…a group of Washington-area people who are actively involved in a struggle and resistance against a society which it now considers oppressive and unjust. We are involved in attempting to create a community of people who can work, live and struggle together. We are regularly involved in attempting to talk with other Jews, who have been turned-off to their heritage by an assimilationist Amerikan Jewish community…”

The Jewish Urban Guerrilla and the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention – Nov. 1970

The Jews for Urban Justice put out a flyer In November 1970 for a series of workshops held simultaneously with the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention in Washington, D.C. posing the question, “Is it possible to be a revolutionary, support the Panthers, and still be a Jew?” among other topics.

The group was formed in the summer of 1968 to oppose anti-black racism from white Jewish landlords and business owners.

The JUJ was a key organizer of a Freedom Sedar that drew over 800 diverse people in 1969 and participated in the Poor People’s Campaign, welfare rights and the Delano grape boycott, among other activities. Its most prominent member was Arthur Waskow, a founder of the Institute for Policy Studies and a long-time left-wing activist.

Revolutionary holiday card by Insurgent Press – 1970 ca.

An image of a revolutionary holiday card circa 1970 produced by Insurgent Press, a left-wing press that operated in Washington, D.C. in the late 1960s through the mid-1970s. At one point it was operating out of a building at 11th and K Streets NW.

The card’s front reads “Peace on Earth” and when you open it, it reads “By Any Means Necessary” with an image of a Vietnamese  holding an automatic rifle in the air.  A quote by Mao Zedong on the nature of war is on the inside fold.

Women’s Fest sponsored by Community Bookshop: 1971

A flyer by the Community Bookshop announces a women’s festival in March 1971.

The Community Bookshop sold radical books, pamphlets and newspapers of various left-wing stripes, including communist, socialist, anarchist, environmentalist, feminist, gay and lesbian literature and also hosted community events and speakers during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

The bookshop was located in the Dupont Circle area near the intersection of 20thand P Streets NW.

Feminists and left-wing radicals resurrected International Women’s Day (March 8th) during the late 1960s. It had been suppressed as a “communist” holiday during the Red Scare of the late 1940s and 1950s. In turn, March became women’s history month.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Letter from a Regional Addiction Prevention (RAP) graduate (1) – 1973

Letter from a Regional Addiction Prevention (RAP) graduate (2) – 1973

These two letters from Regional Addiction Prevention (RAP) graduate Marc Sher in 1973 to the Washington Area Spark collective illustrates the radical politics that at least one resident refined going through a nearly year-long residential addiction treatment.

Sher became addicted to the free methadone in order to get high. The methadone was give out by facilities without screening at the time to anyone, including Sher–who was not a heroin addict.

The vintage Montgomery Spark wrote in 1972:

“RAP’s left-wing analysis of the heroin plague has led to attacks on the organization from reactionary elements who seek to capitalize on an addict’s plight through methadone maintenance or other exploitive methods.”

“RAP’s ‘success rate,’ as government authorities call it, has been remarkably higher than other types of treatment. This is probably because RAP’s residents learn that the root of the heroin problem lies in society’s illnesses, and by knowing this, the individual can better realize how to cope with their problems.”

Draft/Selective Service

Flyer calls for protesting Senate draft hearings – May, 1967

A flyer published by the Washington Ad Hoc Vietnam Draft Hearings Committee calls for demonstrations at a Senate hearing on the Selective Service System scheduled for May 7-8, 1967.

The Ad Hoc Committee was composed of Students for a Democratic Society chapters at the University of Chicago, Boston University, Ratcliff-Harvard, Brooklyn College and the University of Maryland; along with ACT, D.C. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, Prince Georges Women’s Strike for Peace, Maryland Socialist League and Progressive Labor Party.

The group of about 100 demonstrators formed-up at Roosevelt playground in NE on May 8th and marched first down H Street and then 4th Street before entering the Capitol Grounds.

About half the group entered the Senate Rayburn Building only to find that the hearing was rescheduled. They demanded that a hearing be convened and that they be permitted to speak.  After back and forth with Capitol police, they were forcibly expelled from the building and the Capitol grounds, but not arrested. The crowd grew to about 200 before dispersing.

D.C. SNCC calls for anti-draft march – May, 1967

The Washington, D.C. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee calls on black youth to protest the draft May 8, 1967 by joining a march from 14th and H Streets NE to the Rayburn Office Building.

About 100 students from different East Coast colleges marched from the Rosedale playground to the Rayburn Building where they were barred from entering the building or attending a hearing being conducted by U.S. Senator Mendel Rivers (D-S.C.) on the draft.

The crowd grew to about 200 people and about 50 were eventually let into the building where they staged a sit-in  in the lobby. They were forcibly ejected by Capitol police, but not arrested.

Flyer targeting draft inductees – 1967 ca.

An unsigned flyer circa 1967 urges men reporting for their induction into the U.S. Armed Forces to walk away and contact peace groups for draft counseling. It finishes by urging the men to “Seize the Time, Resist Illegitimate Authority.”

The flyer lists a. number of peace groups to contact, along with their phone numbers, including The Washington Peace Center, George Washington Draft Counseling, Washington Draft Information, the Washington Free Clinic and Montgomery County Draft Counseling.

The Resistance calls for nationwide antidraft actions – 1967

The national office of The Resistance, an anti-draft group that espoused direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System, publishes a flyer advertising draft-card burning actions beginning October 10, 1967.

The Resistance established chapters across the country and coordinated successful actions of draft card burnings, turn-ins, sit-ins at draft boards, support for those refusing induction and other actions in October and December of 1967, but the national group quickly lapsed while local groups continued anti-draft actions.

Appeal to those facing induction into the military: 1967 ca.

The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and The Resistance publish a flyer handed out to draftees facing military induction outlining rights and appeals.

SNCC had morphed from a student civil rights organization into a Black liberation organization by 1967. It had always been opposed to the war in Vietnam. The Resistance was formed by four California-based anti-draft activists as a national network for direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System.

The Resistance conscription refusal flyer – Oct. 1967

A flyer from The Resistance calling on draft-eligible people to refuse to cooperate with the U.S. Selective Service System and return their draft cards at a demonstration October 16, 1967.

The call was nationwide with the largest protest in Oakland, Ca. The Washington, D.C. demonstration at the draft board headquarters at 1724 F Street NW drew about 70 people.

Ten draft cards and about 50 anti-draft cards (statements that declared a refusal to cooperate with the draft) were given to Selective Service officials.

Draft Resisters Need Your Support – Nov. 1967

As part of the leadup to draft resisters week Dec. 4-11, 1967, Ethel and Julius Weisser sponsor a support party held on Dec. 1st for Akida Kimani, a black liberation activist facing extradition to California for draft evasion.

Archie Stewart provided music for the event. Kimani made a name for himself as an activist/leader in the Afro American Association, a black self-help group formed in 1962 in California with chapters in a number of cities and a few overseas.

Ethel and Julius Weisser were long-time activists in a wide variety of social and economic causes in the Washington, D.C. area.

Ethel Weisser was once secretary of the Washington Area Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1950s and fought a D.C. ballot initiative on mandatory minimum sentencing in the 1980s,

Ethel Weisser also served as a spokesperson for the local chapter of the Grey Panthers for more than 25 years.

Stewart was a local jazz guitarist who was performing with The New Thing group at the time and became a fixture at clubs and coffeehouses in the city during the 1970s.

The Christian Resistance – Nov. 1967 ca.

The Washington Area Christian Resistance and The Resistance publish an appeal to those of draft age of the Christian faith to join with direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System in late 1967.

Stop the Draft Week – Dec. 1967

A flyer advertising a series of demonstrations in Washington, D.C. Dec. 4-9, 1967 for “Stop the Draft Week.”

The protests were part of a nationwide effort that week that resulted in demonstrations and civil disobedience in dozens of cities across the U.S.

Locally demonstrators rallied at St. Stephens Church, marched on the Selective Service headquarters and marched to the State Department. An event at the Ambassador Theater was also held.

The Washington, D.C. demonstrations were sponsored by D.C. chapter of The Resistance, a nationwide draft resistance group; the Washington Mobilization Committee Against the War in Vietnam, the umbrella group for anti-Vietnam War opposition; and the Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, a Socialist Workers Party-influenced student group.

The Washington Area Resistance Freakout – 1967

The Vietnam-era draft resistance group sponsored an event at Washington’s Ambassador Theater (formerly Knickerbocker) before holding a protest on Defense Secretary Robert McNamara’s lawn–1967. The group staged several high profile demonstrations in support of those who refused induction into the armed services  in the Washington, D.C. area.

Resistance issues Boston 5 protest flyer – Jan. 1968

The Washington Area Resistance issues a flyer for a January 12, 1968 demonstration at the Justice Department against the indictment of five prominent Vietnam War opponents a week before.

The Boston Five, as they were known, were Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr, chaplain of Yale University; Dr. Benjamin Spock, pediatrician, Marcus Raskin, a former White House aide; Michael Ferber, a Harvard University graduate student and Mitchell Goodman, author. They were accused of “conspiracy to counsel aid and abet” selective service resistance.

News accounts put the number of demonstrators at between 100-150 who denounced both war and racism.

The protesters later marched on Western High School where they engaged in draft counseling as students left classes for the day around 2:30 p.m.

What!? me worry about the draft!” – 1968 ca.

The University of Maryland College Park chapter of Washington Area Resistance issues a short pamphlet urging potential draftees into the military to receive counseling on their options circa 1968.

The Resistance led direct action against the draft as well as draft counseling in the greater Washington, D.C. area in 1967-68 during the Vietnam War era.

Call for anti-draft actions – Jan. 1968

An unsigned flyer, probably put out by The Resistance, calls for a demonstration at the U.S. Justice Department in Washington, D.C. in protest of the indictments of Dr. Benjamin Spock, Marcus Raskin, Mitchel Goodman and Michael Ferber for “conspiracy to counsel aid and abet” draft resistance.

The flyer also called for participants to go to Western High School (now Duke Ellington) to counsel high school students on the draft.

Draft Law and Its Choices – Mar. 1968

The Washington Area Resist (formerly Resistance) issues a flyer for a conference to train draft counselors on selective service law in March 1968 at St. Stephens Church at 16th and Newton Streets. NW.

W.A.R. led direct action such as induction refusals and draft card turn-ins in the area 1967-68 during the Vietnam War.

D.C. Draft Resistance Union formed – early 1968

An undated appeal for funds from the recently formed Washington Draft Resistance Union was issued in early 1968.

The group pulled together The Resistance, Students for a Democratic Society, independent campus groups and draft counselors to build resistance to the Selective Service system that was providing the soldiers for the Vietnam War.

It was initially headed by Cathy Wilkerson, the regional SDS coordinator based in Washington, D.C.  Wilkerson would go on to play a prominent role in the Weather Underground that carried out a series of symbolic bombings on government, corporate and other symbols of capitalism 1971-75.

What? Me Worry About the Draft? – 1968 ca.

The Washington Draft Resistance, University of Maryland College Park chapter appeals to students to seek draft counseling for alternatives  to military service.

Draft Prince Georges draft counselor flyer -1968

A draft of a flyer for draft counselors Robert and Eleana Simpson targeted toward working class youth in Prince George’s County, Md circa 1968..

The two counseled young people on draft law and options from 1968-69 during part of the peak period of the Vietnam War.

Hiroshima Day peace rally – Aug. 1968

A flyer by the Washington Mobilization for Peace, Women’s Strike for Peace, Washington Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE), and the Washington Peace Center sponsor a Hiroshima Day (the day the first atomic bomb was dropped on Japan in 1945) rally in Lafayette Park August 10, 1968.

The flyer calls for 1) an end to all bombing 2) peace talks with the south Vietnamese National Liberation Front, 3) U.S. troop withdrawal.

A National Call: Free the Catonsville Nine – Oct. 1968

The flyer calls for a national demonstration to be held coinciding with the trial of the Catonsville Nine—Catholic and peace activists who took draft records of about 800 young men outside the selective service office and set them afire with homemade napalm on May 17, 1968.

The nine waited at the scene to be arrested in what was the second “hit and stay” action of non-violent direct action resistance to the draft and the Vietnam War.

Thousands showed up to support the nine, but they were all convicted and sentenced to three years in prison.

Draft counseling letter to Va. military inductees: 1969 ca.

A letter from draft counselors David Lusby and Jim Shea circa 1969 targeted toward selective service inductees in Virginia outlines alternatives to military service.

The letter was likely handed out to inductees at local draft boards where inductees were bussed to Richmond or at the Richmond induction center itself.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Repeal the Draft – 1969 ca.

A poster-style flyer urges a repeal of the Selective Service Act that authorized the draft of men into the military.

The National Council to Repeal the Draft (NCRD), organized in January 1969, with headquarters in Washington, DC, had as its objective the elimination of conscription.

With the official end of the draft on June 30, 1973, NCRD closed down its Washington operation in July of that year, thus bringing to an end their effort to end conscription in the U.S.

Draft registration card – Sep. 1969

A Selective Service draft registration card from September 1969 is the type that all men over 18 were required to carry on their person at all times during the Vietnam War era.

The back side of the card spells out the penalties for failing to carry or mutilating the card as up to five years in prison and up to a $10,000 fine.

The law was only enforced against those who willfully destroyed their cards through draft card burnings, mass turn-ins of draft cards in protest of the war or other willful actions.

A separate card spelled out the classification that the draft card holder was given. The most dreaded was 1-A, which meant a person was subject to be drafted into the armed forces at any time, subject to a physical.

Other codes indicated deferments or exemptions to the draft.

The back side of the card also notes that the local draft board is Silver Spring. That draft board was broken into by three antiwar activists in May 1969 who destroyed draft records and splashed their own blood and black paint onto the walls in protest of the Vietnam War.

The three were Leslie Bayless, 22; Jonathan Bayless, 17; and Michael Bransome, 18.

Les Bayless received three years in addition to a five year sentence for refusing draft induction. Bransome fled to Canada and ultimately Sweden after being threatened with death while in jail before his release on bond. John Bayless, a juvenile at the time, received three years probation.

No Draft – Dec. 1969 ca.

The D.C. Moratorium, the local arm of the Vietnam Moratorium Committee that organized the October and November 1969 Moratoriums that involved millions of Americans in activities against the Vietnam War, publishes a flyer calling for an end to the draft and outlining the reasons for doing so.

Draft counseling centers – 1970 circa

A flyer lists selective service (draft) counseling locations in Washington, D.C., Arlington, Va. and College Park, Md. as well as counseling for military personnel circa 1970.

Fuck the Draft film festival – Jan. 1970

A “Fuck the Draft” film festival is sponsored by the Washington Peace Center in January 1970 as a fundraiser to support draft counseling for young men eligible to be inducted into the U.S. armed services.

The films scheduled were Seasons Change, Army Film, People’s Park, Bobby Seale, The Brig, Up against the Wall Miss America, High School Rising, San Francisco State and October 15th and were scheduled over two days.

Rally and march to national selective service – Mar. 1970

A flyer advertising a rally and march to the national selective service headquarters March 19, 1970 sponsored by various peace groups.

Upwards of five hundred people rallied outside the Selective Service System headquarters at 1724 F Street NW, Washington, DC in opposition to the draft and the Vietnam War.

Several people burned draft cards—a felony—in protest and a coffin filled with draft cards was also delivered to the office.

The groups listed on the flyer are DC Moratorium (local affiliate of the Moratorium Committee), Student Mobe (Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam), Wash. Mobe (Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam), WILPF (Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom), WSP (Women’s Strike for Peace), and Conspiracy ( a local group opposing the trial of the Chicago 8/7 for riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention).

Demonstrate to End the Draft – Mar. 1970

The Student Mobilization Committee publishes a flyer as a co-sponsor of anti-draft actions taking place the week of March 15-19, 1970.

Upwards of 500 people rallied March 19th at the Sylvan Theater and at the national draft board of F Street NW. Several people burned draft cards and a coffin filled with draft cards was left at the door.

Other organizations sponsoring the protest included the Vietnam Moratorium Committee in one of their last acts before the group was dissolved, Episcopal Peace Fellowship, New Mobilization Committee, Young Socialist Alliance, D.C. Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, Washington Peace Center, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and Women’s Strike for Peace.

The Student Mobilization Committee began as the student arm of the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, but became a separate organization where the Socialist Workers Party, the dominate Trotskyist organization at the time, and it’s youth arm the Young Socialist Alliance had considerable influence.

The Washington Area Military and Draft Law Panel – 1970 ca.

The Washington Area Military and Draft Law Panel publishes a brochure describing its mission and services focusing on low-income and/or black potential draftees into the military and current service members serving.

The group of approximately 40 attorneys in the D.C. area provided draft counseling and legal assistance to active duty personnel.

The WAMADLP was initiated by the National Lawyers Guild.

You Don’t Have to Go – Sep. 1970 ca.

A flyer published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Mother Bloor Collective calls on students at College Park to seek draft counseling and oppose the war in Vietnam.

DRUM grew out of the May 1970 student strike on the College Park campus while Mother Bloor was a local Marxist-Leninist collective some student activist leaders formed to chart a path forward for those radicalized in the civil rights and Vietnam War struggles.

DRUM lasted about two years while most of the member of Mother Bloor affiliated with the Workers World Party or its youth group Youth Against War and Fascism.

Draft classification card – Nov. 1971

A Selective Service System classification card showing a II-S status dated November 23, 1971.

The classification II-S signified that the recipient’s draft eligibility was deferred while he remained a full time student.

The II-S deferment was ended by Congress in September 1971 for all future draft registrants.

The classification 1-A was dreaded by many in the Vietnam War era because it meant you were likely to be pressed into military service in a war that many disagreed with.

The back side of the card spells out the penalties for failing to carry or mutilating the card as up to five years in prison and up to a $10,000 fine.

The law was only enforced against those who willfully destroyed their cards through draft card burnings, mass turn-ins of draft cards in protest of the war or other willful actions.

A separate “draft registration card” was also required by law to be carried by all those eligible for the draft.

Draft classification card – Nov. 1972

A Selective Service System classification card showing a 1-H status dated November 14, 1972.

The classification I-H signified that the draft registrant was not currently eligible for military or alternative service.

By this time, a draft lottery by birthdate had been conducted and a birth date of August 2, 1951 gained a lottery number of 102 out of 365. For those born in 1951, 125 was the highest number pressed into military service.

However, by that time the Vietnam War was winding down and fewer draft registrants were called than in previous years, resulting in the re-classification to 1-H. The last person drafted for the Vietnam War occurred December 28, 1972. The last person drafted into the military occurred on June 30, 1973.

The classification 1-A was dreaded by many in the Vietnam War era because it meant you were likely to be pressed into military service in a war that many disagreed with.

The back side of the card spells out the penalties for failing to carry or mutilating the card as up to five years in prison and up to a $10,000 fine.

The law was only enforced against those who willfully destroyed their cards through draft card burnings or mass turn-ins of draft cards in protest of the war.

A separate “draft registration card” was also required by law to be carried by all those eligible for the draft.

Attention Faculty – Nov. 1972

A call for a U. of Md. faculty draft counseling committee that would provide alternatives to the selective service to all UMD students. The flyer lists as contacts Aaron Strauss, Jack Goldhaber and Harold Gainer.

Fight Against Fascism

Invitation to Join the Communist Party by Robert Minor – 1943

The pamphlet wraps itself in the American flag and closely hues the Popular Front thesis of the Communist Party. There is no real mention of revolution or socialism and the tract puts forward several important, but ultimately reformist demands.

American Nazi Vietnam War flyer – 1970

A flyer entitled “Smash the no-wing System” and distributed in 1970 by the National Socialist White People’s Party based in Arlington, VA puts forth the Nazi organization’s views on the Vietnam War.

The back side of the flyer lays out its racist, anti-Semitic agenda.

Nazi appeal to join affiliated student group: 1970

An appeal to help “Build a New Order” by joining the National Socialist Liberation Front is distributed by the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) based in Arlington, Va. in 1970.

The Liberation Front was created by the Nazi group in 1969 as a student organization, mimicking left-wing student organizations such as W.E.B DuBois Clubs, affiliated with the Communist Party, and the Young Socialist Alliance, affiliated with the Socialist Workers Party.

The group was established by NSWPP member Joseph Tommasi who developed personal and ideological differences with NSWPP commander Matt Koehl. Tommasi denounced Koehl and other members of the leadership at a party congress in 1970 and called for waging an immediate revolution.

It was during the early 70s that infamous white supremacist David Duke joined the National Socialist Liberation Front.

Koehl expelled Tommasi in 1973 for allegedly smoking marijuana and entertaining young women at party headquarters, as well as misusing party funds.

Tommasi re-organized the Liberation Front in 1974 with two tiers—an above ground organization and an underground organization that would wage guerrilla war.

Tommasi was killed by an NSWPP member in front of the NSWPP local headquarters in El Monte, CA during a confrontation. No one was charged in Tommasi’s death.

Following Tommasi’s death, the group underwent several leadership changes and changes in tactics. In the mid 1980s, the group’s leader was arrested on a weapons charge and the Liberation Front fell apart.

Nazi ‘Had Enough, Whitey?’ flyer – 1970

An appeal to white supremacists to join the student National Socialist Liberation Front is distributed by the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) based in Arlington, Va. in 1970.

A platform is printed on the back side. Both sides are chocked full of racial stereotypes and slanders.

‘Why Does the System Hate National Socialism’ – 1970

The National Socialist Liberation Front (the student group of the National Socialist White People’s Party) publishes a tract attempting to explain the merits of national socialism in 1970.

An application to join the group is one the flip side of the flyer.

Early ‘March for Victory’ flyer – 1970

An early version of a flyer for fundamentalist Christian preacher Rev. Carl McIntire’s “March for Victory” that was ultimately held in Washington, D.C. April 4, 1970 protesting President Richard Nixon’s “no win” policy in Indochina.

March organizers claimed 50,000 but news organizations generously estimated 10-15,000 people took part in a protest against President Richard Nixon’s “no win” policy in Vietnam.

The march was sponsored by right-wing Christian preacher Rev. Carl McIntire. Who described himself as a fundamentalist equated Christianity with anti-communism.  McIntire favored “peace through victory” in Vietnam and a return of prayer to the schools.

‘White People’s Revolution in America’ – July 1970

A flyer invites the public to a Nazi rally July 5, 1970 at L’Enfant Square (Now National Gallery of Art Sculpture Gallery) at 9th and Constitution NW, Washington, D.C. calling for a “White People’s Revolution in America.”

National Socialist White People’s Party rallies at Lafayette Park on July 3, 1970, the National Mall July 4, 1970 and L’Enfant Square at 9th & Constitution on July 5, 1970 were disrupted by hundreds of people in counter demonstrations.

Many counter demonstrators were also in town for protests against Honor America Day and for the first annual marijuana smoke-in.

At the rally on the 9th and Constitution NW, Nazi speaker Robert A. Lloyd III said, “At the root of our domestic crisis is the racial crisis caused by the presence of two dangerous alien races, blacks and Jews. Unless we resort to drastic social surgery, we will die as a nation and a race.”

Lloyd and other Nazi speakers were shouted down with laughter, jeers, epithets, obscenities and occasionally rhythmic clapping that drowned at the two-dozen Nazis.

American Nazi fundraising pledge – September 1970

A color form mailed in September 1970 invites supporters of the National Socialist White People’s Party based in Arlington, VA to pledge monthly funds to the organization.

The organization was founded by George Lincoln Rockwell in March 1959 and the same year was renamed the American Nazi Party.

Rockwell led the group through his flamboyant actions through the 1960s. In late 1966 or early 1967 Rockwell re-named the group the National Socialist White People’s Party to reflect his belief that the Nazi name and use of the swastika was hurting recruitment. Rockwell was assassinated by a disaffected member in August 1967 and Matt Koehl became the leader.

Koehl led the group through a number of splits and into a semi-religious version of white supremacy and an affiliate participated in the 1979 Greensboro Massacre with local Klan that killed five “Death to the Klan” marchers in Greensboro, NC.

In the 1980s the group was pressured by lawsuits, including the IRS, and Koehl sold off all of its assets in Arlington, VA. Early in the decade he moved the group’s national operation to Wisconsin and Michigan and renamed the group New Order that continues to exist today advocating for white supremacy.

Freedom Rally flyer by March for Victory Committee – 1970

An early call by the March for Victory Committees led by Rev. Carl McIntire for a demonstration in October 1970 following their spring march that featured Georgia Governor Lester Maddox speaking to a crowd of 10-15,000 and calling for victory in Vietnam.

The rally date was later changed to October 3, 1970 where an estimated 15-20,000 staged a march that rejected President Richard Nixon’s phase-down of the war in Vietnam and instead called for outright defeat of the Vietnamese.

South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyễn Cao Kỳ was to speak at the rally but opposition from the Nixon administration and a threatened mass anti-Ky demonstration caused Ky to cancel his appearance and instead gave a statement that was read to the crowd.

Several hundred antiwar counter-protesters occasionally clashed with pro-war marchers at the October protest leading to 49 arrests.

March for Victory in Vietnam flyer –  Sep. 1970

The National March for Victory Committee flyer calls for a March for Victory [in Vietnam] led by Rev. Carl McIntire October 3, 1970 in Washington, D.C.

The demands were “Win the Peace Through Military Victory; Defeat the Viet Cong by strength; Free the POW’s First; Bring the Boys Home in Triumph; Prayer, Bible Reading in School; and Freedom of Choice [probably not abortion though].

South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyễn Cao Kỳ was to speak at the rally but opposition from the Nixon administration and a threatened mass anti-Ky demonstration caused Ky to cancel his appearance and instead gave a statement that was read to the crowd.

An estimated 15-20,000 attended the October march and rally—far less than the 500,000 predicted and far fewer than the 100,000-500,000 that national antiwar marches regularly drew.

Several hundred antiwar counter-protesters occasionally clashed with pro-war marchers at the October protest leading to 49 arrests.

American Nazi ‘fall building campaign” – Oct. 1970

A two-sided letter mailed in October 1970 by the self-styled commander of the National Socialist White People’s Party, Matt Koehl, urges members and supporters to increase their donations so that the organization can move to “Phase III—the mass action phase.”

The white supremacist organization was founded by George Lincoln Rockwell in March 1959 and the same year was renamed the American Nazi Party.

Rockwell led the group through his flamboyant actions through the 1960s. In late 1966 or early 1967 Rockwell re-named the group the National Socialist White People’s Party to reflect his belief that the Nazi name and use of the swastika was hurting recruitment. Rockwell was assassinated by a disaffected member in August 1967 and Matt Koehl became the leader.

Koehl led the group through a number of splits and into a semi-religious version of white supremacy. A North Carolina affiliate participated in the 1979 Greensboro Massacre with local Klan that killed five “Death to the Klan” marchers in Greensboro, NC.

In the 1980s the group was pressured by lawsuits, including the IRS, and Koehl sold off all of its assets in Arlington, VA. Early in the decade he moved the group’s national operation to Wisconsin and Michigan and renamed the group New Order that continues to exist today advocating for white supremacy.

Immigrant Rights

‘Five Men on a Hunger Strike’ – Mar. 1948

The American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born issues a tri-fold 8 ½ x 11 pamphlet describing the pending deportation cases of five left-wing leaders in the U.S. in 1948 and appeals for support.

The four, Gerhard Eisler a longtime Communist Party member in Austria, Germany and the United States; John Williamson, labor secretary for the Communist Party, Ferdinand C. Smith, Secretary of the National Maritime Union, CIO and Charles A. Doyle, vice president of the United Gas, Coke and Chemical Workers, CIO. A fifth labor leader, Irving Potash, manager of the Furriers Joint Council, was also slated for deportation.

Smith was the highest-ranking African American in the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) at the time.

The hunger strike ended when the four (Potash was released earlier) were granted bail on March 6th. However, all were ultimately forced out of the country at various times in the 1950s.

LBGT

Gay Revolution Party Manifesto – 1970

An anonymous flyer, probably produced by one or more members of the D.C. Gay Liberation Front, reprints a gay revolution party manifesto that originally appeared in Ecstasy, Issue 2, 1970.

The tract goes beyond calling for an end to discrimination against gay people and for equality and foresees an end to gender roles and the family structure as being a key to ultimately eliminating the caste system in which straight males dominate.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Labor Movement

Illustrated History of the Washington Central Labor Union – 1900

The 439-page book describes itself as a “Commercial history of the city of Washington, photographs and biographies of citizens, photographs and biographies of officers, miscellaneous statistics, etc.”

Of interest to labor historians and local unions and members seeking more knowledge of their history, the book contains brief descriptions of unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor’s umbrella organization in the city—the Central Labor Union.

It also contains photographs and brief descriptions of the officers of the CLU and delegates from the local unions to the Central Labor Union along with some other local union officers.

There are no women union officers or delegates pictured and apparently only one black man—from the Hod Carriers union (today’s laborer’s union)–Thomas Jackson.

Mules are Mules – 1926 ca.

The International Association of Machinists publishes a 4-page, 3.5  x 5 inch pamphlet using mules to illustrate the benefits of cooperation and thereby of joining a union.

The pamphlet was published sometime from 1926-1939 when A. O. Wharton was president of the IAM.

Records of Bill Marshall Fudge – 1933-54

Virginian Railway Company Pass – 1933 (Machinist Apprentice)

Union Dues Book 1 – 1940-44 (shows initiated July 17, 1940, General Work” (Journeyman))

Union Dues Book 2 – 1944-49 (shows he was 34 years old, 6’ ½”, 200 lbs. and lived at 1326 28th Street SE Washington DC 1945-49 “General Work” (Journeyman))

Union Dues Book 3 – 1950-54 (shows initiated July 17, 1940, “General Work” (Journeyman))

Bill Marshall Fudge was a machinist apprentice and journeyman, 1933-54, Member of International Association of Machinists Columbia Lodge 174 and worker on the Virginian Railway Company.

March on Washington – 1941

A March 1941 letter from A. Phillip Randolph, head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, to NAACP leader Walter White inviting him to join a march on Washington for fair employment.

The March on Washington Movement led to President Franklin Roosevelt issuing an executive order banning discrimination in defense-related industry and enforcing it through a Fair Employment Practices Commission. The planned march was cancelled after Roosevelt’s order.

Advertisement calls for end to Jim Crow at the Bureau of Engraving – May 1949

A display ad published in the Washington Afro American May 7, 1949 by a number of prominent labor and black organizations in the D.C. area calling on President Harry Truman to end Jim Crow at the Bureau of Engraving.

A broad coalition led by Margaret Gilmore, president of United Public Workers of America Local 3, organized pickets at the Bureau of Engraving and at the White House.

Gilmore led a three-year fight against Jim Crow at the agency that printed U.S. money, winning major victories along the way.

D.C. Telephone Traffic contract with C&P – 1950

The 1948 contract agreement between Washington Traffic Division No. 50 and the Chesapeake & Potomac Telephone Co. was the first Communications Workers of America (CWA) contract used as a pattern for other local unions.

The union, formerly the Washington Telephone Traffic Union (1935-47), became Division 50 of the new Communications Workers of America at a June 1947 convention following a failed six-week strike by the National Federation of Telephone Workers April-May 1947 that had sought a national bargaining agreement.

The 1948 contract was the first three-year agreement signed with an AT&T subsidiary and came at a time when local telephone unions had been weakened by the strike and further by a split between national unions—the independent CWA and the Telephone Workers Organizing Committee of the CIO.

The Washington, D.C. contract was used by the national union as a pattern for 10 local unions across the country in 1948 with its three-year deal that provided no immediate wage increase, but allowed for two wage reopeners—one in the first year and one in the second year of the agreement.

The Washington union was chosen because of its militancy and because C&P was a wholly-owned subsidiary of AT&T. Mary Gannon, the leader of the union from 1940-49 led the union on dozens off work stoppages during her tenure and was a voice for women within the larger national union before leaving the local union early in 1950.

Agreement between C&P Telephone and CWA – 1953

A copy of the 1953 labor agreement between C&P Telephone of the District of Columbia and the Communications Workers of America (CWA).

At this point in time CWA had re-organized and formed District 2 that covered a large geographical area around Washington, D.C., including all the C&P named AT&T subsidiaries, and the D.C. installer’s former union president, Glen Watts, was now District 2 director.

Contracts with C&P in the Washington, D.C. area had been conducted separately by the traffic (operator) local union and the installers local union for about 10 years before joint negotiations were conducted again–resulting in this agreement with C&P Telephone.

The agreement covered C&P workers in the District of Columbia and the inner suburbs of Maryland and Virginia.

Watts would go on to become president of the national union.

NLRB non-communist affidavit – circa 1955

The Taft-Harley Act passed in 1948 prohibited members of the Communist Party from holding labor union office if the union were to use provisions of the National Labor Relations Act.

It required officers to sign a “non-communist affidavit” in order for the union to be eligible for National Labor Relations Board services and the use of the law in disputes with employers.

The unions of the American Federation of Labor quickly agreed to this, but the Congress of Industrial Organizations briefly resisted and tried to use non-compliance with signing the affidavit as a direct action way of neutralizing other anti-labor provisions in the Taft-Hartley Act such as prohibition on secondary boycotts, sympathy strikes, authorization for states to enact so-called “right to work” laws, among others.

The refusal to sign quickly collapsed as major unions such as the United Auto Workers signed and anti-communist fervor swept the U.S. It wasn’t long before the CIO expelled or forced out 11 major national unions for alleged communist-domination and all the remaining union leaders signed the affidavits.

Many mark the decline of the labor movement to the Taft Harley Act and the inability of labor to wage effective resistance.

Parents alerted to student walkout in support of teacher strike – Feb. 1968

Springbrook High School notifies parents of students who participated in a walkout Feb. 2, 1968 in support of a Montgomery County, Maryland teachers strike. 

Defying court injunctions and threatened fines, the union held firm until a settlement was reached that tilted largely in favor of the MCEA (National Education Association affiliate) demands and re-affirmed its dominance as the voice for teachers in the county.

Farm Workers ‘Boycott Grapes’ flyer – 1969 ca.

A United Farm Workers Organizing Committee leaflet passed out in the Washington, D.C. are circa 1969 during the years-long boycott of California table grapes in an effort to secure a labor contract for farmworkers.

The United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC) union reached a three-year contract with major grape growers in 1970 after years of struggle and a nationwide grape boycott.. They also expanded into the lettuce fields and into the Florida fruit groves and vegetable fields and became the United Farmworkers Union.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Teachers union calls for D.C. home rule: 1969

A 5 ½ x 8, 4-page flyer put out by the Washington Teachers Union Local 6 calls on demonstrators attending the national antiwar demonstration November 15, 1969 to support home rule in the District of Columbia.

The flyer also urges support for increased financial support for D.C. public schools and for funding a teachers’ raise. A third demand issued was a halt to the Three Sisters Bridge project.

William “Bill” Simons was elected president of the local in 1964 and would go on to lead the union for 25 years. Collective bargaining rights were obtained in 1967 when Local 6 bested the National Education Association in an election amongst teachers.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Washington, D.C. Teacher

The Washington, D.C. Teacher was the newsletter of the Washington Teachers Union (American Federation of Teachers (AFT) Local 6).

The issues available include articles on new methods of education, anti-Vietnam War activities, a demonstration against red-baiting surrounding Antioch College, contract talks and other local union business.

The following issues of the Washington Teacher, usually published as a tabloid, are currently available:

Vol. 5 No. 7 – June 1970

Special Issue – July 1970 

Vol. 6 No. 1 – October 1970 

Vol. 6 No. 5 – April 1971

D.C. teacher’s union calls rally over contracts – May 1971

The Washington Teachers Union (American Federation of Teachers Local 6) mails a letter to members May 25, 1971 outlining the status of contract negotiations and calling for a rally at the Leckie Elementary School  June 3rd and an emergency meeting June 10th.

The reverse side of the flyer contains a map to Leckie School.

The Washington Post reported 500 union members showed up on the playground outside of Leckie School at Chesapeake Street and Martin Luther King Ave. SW, threatening a strike if an agreement were not reached soon.

D.C. Teachers’ Union school board endorsements – Nov. 1971

The Washington Teachers’ Union writes a letter November 15, 1971 to its members urging them to attend a union meeting and also vote for the union-endorsed school board candidates in an upcoming election.

The school board election held November 23, 1971 marked Marion Barry’s first election, winning an at-large seat by defeating incumbent Anita Allen. Barry-endorsed candidates all won their elections.

The teachers’ union did not endorse in the Barry/Allen race, but all five of their endorsed candidates won.

The election established Barry and the teachers’ union as two dominant forces in city politics.

First issue of University of Maryland AFSCME newsletter – Sep. 1973

The first issue of American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Local 1072’s AFSCME in Action newsletter from September 1973.

The union represented about 1300 University of Maryland College Park campus workers but did not have collective bargaining rights at that time.

The issue covers campus layoffs, racial discrimination, a rival employee association, the union picnic, safety, a call to impeach Nixon and other issues.

The local president was Gladys Jefferson. Saul Schneiderman’s name appears in the newsletter as one of the contacts. He would later take a job at the Library of Congress and go on to become AFSMCE president at that location.

Annapolis Report, Vol. 2. No. 2 – Feb. – 1974

The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Maryland Public Employees Council 67 reports in its February 12, 1974 legislative newsletter on its efforts to convince the state legislature to declare Rev. Martin Luther King’s birthday a state holiday.

The Maryland House and Senate later passed the bill making Maryland the second state to honor Dr. King’s civil rights legacy in 1974.

Transit union working cards – 1974-77

A 1977 yearly card (top) issued by the Amalgamated Transit Union for members in good standing.  These were stickers that were usually displayed by union members on operator trap boxes (below) or mechanic tool boxes.

The ATU previously issued monthly cards like this, but began issuing yearly cards because of the expense. Later they began issue permanent plastic cards.

Trap boxes were used to carry transfers, schedules, running time cards, shop cards, refund slips and scrip, and other items used daily by bus operators. Some operators would keep their punch (for punching transfers) in their trap box when not on duty.

The trap box (bottom) displays monthly cards issued in 1974.

WMATA & union letters ordering striking workers back to work – May 1974

Shortly after the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority (WMATA also known as Metro) took over four privately owned bus companies in addition to the task of building a subway, the contract between Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 and the new public company expired.

The union called a strike on May 1, 1974 after the contract expired, negotiations stalled and Metro had not specifically agreed to arbitration as provided for in the expiring labor contract and the Interstate Compact that created Metro.

The union argued that the clause in the expiring contract permitted a legal strike when the company refused to arbitrate. A federal judge disagreed and fined the union $50,000 per day (later reduced to $25,000) until workers returned to work.

Attached are back-to-work letters from the union and the company after workers continued the strike after the judge’s order.

Files of the Metro Employees Action Alliance – 1976

The Metro Employees Action Alliance (originally named the Ad Hoc Committee) was a brief-lived caucus with Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 approximately May-September 1976.

It questioned union leaders at meeting, publicized the management’s contract proposals, made contract proposals of their own, raised money and hired a public relations firm to counter negative press on Metro workers and their union.

It was the first of several organized caucuses that eventually helped produce new leadership of the union that replaced the “business unionism” of the time.

The surviving records:

WMATA management proposals for contract changes – May 1, 1976

Questions to be asked at the union meeting  – May 18, 1976

Summary of Metro contract proposals circulated to union membership – circa May 22, 1976

Caucus meeting agenda – May 28, 1976

Draft notice to members of Metro’s contract proposals  – circa May 28, 1976


The Trades Unionist – Oct. 1976

The October 15, 1976 issue of the Trades Unionist covers a rally to support the Washington Post pressmen’s strike, a commemoration of long-time Cafeteria Workers Union Local 473 president Oliver Palmer, the fight to increase the minimum wage, political endorsements and covered the meeting of the Central Labor Council delegates meeting where there was a lively fight over endorsing Statehood Party candidate Josephine Butler.

The Trades Unionist was published by the Washington, D.C. Central Labor Council since 1896, but the shrinking of union membership eventually forced it to end publication. It was replaced in the 21st Century with a daily online newsletter by the umbrella labor group for unions in the greater Washington area.

The Central Labor Council is now known as the Washington Metropolitan Council, AFL-CIO.

Arbitration award on Metro strike discipline – 1978

The Washington Metro system had been beset by three wildcat strikes and a work-to-the rule within a four-year period. The Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority sought to discipline workers who led and participated in the July 1978 strike over the refusal to pay a cost-of-living increase provided for in the labor agreement.

Workers eventually won the dispute, but over a 100 were disciplined for the strike and eight were fired for their roles in the work stoppage.

An arbitrator ruled on four fired defendants finding that discipline was warranted but that the terminations should be reduced to suspensions, largely because Metro had not disciplined employees for prior strikes or job actions.

The finding also affirmed that strikes are illegal under the Interstate Compact that created Metro that provides for “final and binding arbitration of all disputes.”

Metro memo on strikes – March 5, 1979 

A March 5, 1979 memo to employees of the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority warns that employees may be terminated for engaging in strikes following a decision by an arbitrator to reduce the penalties for individuals fired for striking to a suspension without pay.

A seven-day wildcat strike in 1978 resulted in WMATA firing eight and disciplining more than 100 others. An arbitration was held on some of the terminations and the neutral arbitrator reduced the terminations to unpaid suspensions because Metro had not taken any disciplinary action during previous strikes and had not advised employees that they may be terminated for engaging in strikes.

Files of the Metro Workers Rank and File Action Caucus – 1978-80

The Metro Workers Rank and File Action Caucus was formed in the wake of the 1978 cost-of-living wildcat strike that paralyzed bus service and the embryonic subway service for a week in July 1978. At least two caucuses arose out of the strike. One was influenced by the Progressive Labor Party and the other was the Action Caucus.

The caucus lasted about two years during which it held a fundraiser for workers fired during the strike, proposed more democratic bylaw changes, investigated the union’s finances and finding some discrepancies and running candidates for union offices in the elections scheduled for December 1979. The election was postponed for a month to January 9th and a runoff was held January 16, 1980 in instances where no candidate received 50 percent plus one of the vote.

Two Action Caucus members won two board seats and Progressive Labor won one board seat out of the 15 seats available. Allies of the Action Caucus on the Unity Slate won two of the top five positions: secretary-treasurer and  2ndvice president and also won two additional board seats. The incumbent president was defeated by an independent candidate.

Action

Vol. 1 No. 1 – Sept. 5, 1978

Vol.1. No. 2 – Oct. 1978

Vol. 1 No. 3 – Nov. 1978

Vol. 1 No. 4 – Jan. 1979

Vol. 1 No. 5 – Jun. 1979

Vol. 1 No. 6 – Aug. 1979

Minutes, flyers and election flyers (material related to the Action Caucus):

Caucus minutes – 7/30/78 – 8/79

Turn out for the arbitration hearings flyer – 8/21/78

Metro memo on strikes – 3/5/79

Report of the Local 689 audit committee – 10/2/79

Draft platform – 10/79 ca.

A vote for Mayo-Waller-Simpson is a vote for change – election flyer 11/79

Elect the Unity Slate platform – 11/79

Letter on the disqualification of Walter Tucker as presidential candidate—11/19/1979

Vote January 9 Mayo-Waller-Simpson—1/9/80

Vote Mayo-Waller-Simpson in the runoff elections—1/16/80

Attend the new officers installation—2/80

Unofficial election results—2/80

Documents of meetings by Action Caucus with transit union caucuses in other cities 

February 18, 1979 – Minutes of meeting between caucuses within TWU 234, TWU 100 and ATU Local 689

May 1979 ca. – Minutes of meeting between caucuses with TWU 234, TWU 100, ATU 689, ATU 998 and ATU 241.

Files of the Metro Committee Against Racism (CAR)

The Metro Committee Against Racism was an ongoing caucus within Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 organized by the Progressive Labor Party from approximately 1978 until approximately 1996.

It criticized union leadership, ran candidates for union office and advocated for social and economic justice and against U.S. imperialism.

We currently have one issue of the newsletter Metro C.A.R.

Metro C.A.R. – August 1978 ca.

Marijuana

No documents at this time

Miscellaneous

Townsend pension plan booklet – 1936 ca.

A pocket-sized 4-page publication by proponents of the Townsend pension plan advocates for this alternative to social security to be adopted circa 1936.

Dr. Francis Townsend and his followers garnered 15 million petition signatures supporting his alternative pension plan.

The main flaw in the plan was that the money generated by the 2% sales tax would not be enough to pay benefits at that level and Congress ultimately adopted the current social security system.

Patriot Party 10-Point Program – Oct. 1969

The 10-point program of the Patriot Party, a white left-wing revolutionary organization aligned with the Black Panther Party, was published in October 1969..

The Patriot Party was initially formed as the Young Patriots Organization in Chicago and later expanded nationwide as the Patriot Party. It was one of the component organizations of Black Panther Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition in Chicago.

They rejected white supremacy but wore a confederate flag patch on their shirts.

They organized in the Washington, D.C. area 1970-71 out of the Panther office and the Panther’s Community Center focusing on far southeast Washington where working class whites still lived and the inner suburbs of Prince George’s County.

The Poor Revolutionist – 1969 ca.

This Christian tract by Chick publications was widely distributed at anti-Vietnam War rallies in the late 1960s and early 1970s in an attempt to turn young people away from activism.

In the booklet, the good Christian dies for his beliefs while the revolutionaries perish in battle or after being betrayed when the revolution succeeds. The revolutionaries go to hell and the good Christian goes to heaven.

The overall theme is that it is useless to struggle for a better life on Earth and that people should instead simply accept their fate and God.

National Liberation and Anti-Imperialism

(for Indochina War, see Vietnam War)

Civil Rights Congress calls on U.S. president to denounce South African apartheid system – 1952

The Civil Rights Congress initiates a petition to President Harry Truman in 1952 calling on him to denounce apartheid in South Africa and uphold the right of all nations to self-determination, among other demands.

Among the signers were Washington, D.C. residents Ms. Adam S. Butcher, Dr. HJ. A. Callis, United Cafeteria Workers Business Manager Oliver T. Palmer and civil rights luminary Mary Church Terrell. Dr. John E. T. Camper, a former Progressive Party candidate for Congress in Maryland also signed.

Among the national luminaries were NAACP founder W. E. B. DuBois; Ewart Guinier, former official in the United Public Workers and father of Lani Guinier, actor Sidney Portier and actor, singer and rights activist Paul Robeson.

‘Save the American Revolution’ – 1967

An undated flyer published most likely in the summer/fall of 1967 by the Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam blasts U.S. foreign policy support for dictatorships while opposing popular revolutionary movements.

The flyer casts the theme that these revolutionary movements that were taking place in countries around the world were akin to our own American revolution and called on people to “Save the American Revolution.”

The Washington Mobilization was an umbrella organization for antiwar groups that grew out of the 1967 Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam.

Committee of Returned Volunteers statement of purpose – Apr. 1969

The Committee of Returned Volunteers, composed of former Peace Corps and other volunteer service members who served overseas, publishes a packet that contains a statement of purpose in a packet distributed circa April 1969.

Also included in the packed is the question of whether the Peace Corps is developing an alternative path of development or an accomplice in exploitation and also contains an analysis of Peru and a critical analysis of the Hickenlooper amendment and its  possible application in Peru.

Founded in 1966, the Committee of Returned Volunteers (CRV) was an organization of people who have worked in voluntary service programs in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and in the United States.

The group‘s thinking evolved into an anti-imperialist perspective and  concentrated its efforts on liberation of Third World countries and U.S. policy towards those countries.

DC WITCH celebrates Pan American week: 1969

The Washington, D.C. Women’s International Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH) group issues a flyer calling for a demonstration to hex the United Fruit Company as a representative company that “exploits the people of nations it purports to benefit, and manipulates United States government policy.”

The April 16, 1969 demonstration involved six women in witch costumes briefly invading the offices of United Fruit and “hexing” the company. The company called police and the women continued their protest outside on the sidewalk.

In addition to the United Fruit demonstration the Washington, D.C. WITCH women also protested the Gridiron Club exclusion of women; disrupted a congressional subcommittee hearing conducted by U.S. Rep William Natcher (D-KY), who was holding up Metrorail construction funds; and disrupted a meeting featuring D.C. police chief Jerry Wilson; among other activities.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Formation of Patrick Sheils Irish Republican Club – 1970 ca.

An 8 ½ x 11, two-sided flyer stating the principles of the newly formed D.C. area Patrick Sheils Irish Republican Club is published circa 1970.

The club was loosely affiliated with the “Official IRA” as opposed to the “Provisional IRA,” or Provos, that were formed as a split-off from the original group in 1969.

The club held rallies and demonstrations, passed out flyers to the general public, sold copies of the United Irishman newspaper and raised funds to help pay for medical supplies, housing, doctors, food and other non-combatant services for those displaced or injured during what became known as “The Troubles” in Northern Ireland from 1969-98.

Revolutionary holiday card by Insurgent Press – 1970 ca.

An image of a revolutionary holiday card circa 1970 produced by Insurgent Press, a left-wing press that operated in Washington, D.C. in the late 1960s through the mid-1970s. At one point it was operating out of a building at 11th and K Streets NW.

The card’s front reads “Peace on Earth” and when you open it, it reads “By Any Means Necessary” with an image of a Vietnamese  holding an automatic rifle in the air.  A quote by Mao Zedong on the nature of war is on the inside fold.

Jose Marti—‘mastermind’ of the assault on the barracks–Moncada — 1970 ca.

A Cuban poster circa 1970 of Jose Marti with the inscription that can be translated as “mastermind of the assault on the barracks” followed by the name Moncada.

Marti was a Cuban poet, philosopher, essayist, journalist, translator, professor, and publisher, who is considered a Cuban national hero because of his role in the liberation of his country, and he was an important figure in Latin American literature.

Following the 1959 Cuban Revolution, Marti’s ideology became a major driving force in Cuban politics. He is also regarded as Cuba’s “martyr” and “patron saint.”

‘Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and all Their Running Dogs’ – May 1970

A May 20, 1970 statement by People’s Republic of China leader Mao Zedong after the U.S. invasion of Cambodia was a popular poster on the left wing of the antiwar movement in the United States and throughout the world.

American-Korean Friendship Center urges Nixon removal – 1972

An anti-Vietnam War flyer produced by the American-Korean Friendship and Information Center in 1972 contains an appeal to subscribe to their publication, Korea Focus, on the reverse side.

Flyer urges action on Chilean detainees – Sep. 1973

An anonymous flyer issued in Washington, D.C. urges Americans to appeal to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to intervene on behalf of Chileans detained after a September 11, 1973 coup and calls for their immediate release and the issuance of exit visas.

The flyer was published shortly after the Chilean military staged the coup and overthrew the elected government of Salvador Allende. Over 120,000 socialists, communists, revolutionaries and other left wing opponents were jailed, tortured with several thousand “disappeared.”

Fundraiser for the Venceremos Brigade – Mar. 1974

The local branch of the Venceremos Brigade, an organization that promotes education and understanding of communist-led Cuba, calls for a fundraiser in Washington, D.C. March 15, 1974.

The Brigade sent groups of young people to Cuba to work and learn side-by-side with ordinary Cubans beginning in 1969.

Robert Simpson, an original and contemporary Spark contributor, was one of those who traveled to Cuba with the Brigade in 1974j.

Note that the post office box is the same as that of the historical Washington Area Spark and that the flyer was printed by Insurgent Printing—a left-wing printing press at 10th & K Streets NW that published many flyers, leaflets and newsletters in the Washington, D.C. area during the early and mid 1970s.

African liberation activist D.C. newspaper – 1974

The Washington, D.C. chapter of the African Liberation Support Committee (ALSC) briefly published a tabloid newspaper in 1974 called Finally Got the News named after the film of the same name that depicted the League of Revolutionary Black Workers struggle in Detroit.

The large African Liberation Day rally in 1972 was the driver behind forming the national ALSC composed mainly of pan-Africanists and black nationalists.

By 1973 a split was developing within the ALSC over working with white organizations that supported African liberation as urged by some leaders of the movements in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique.

Read the local Finally Got the News May 1974 issue to understand the shift in emphasis to the black working class along with supporting African liberation.

Celebrate the Anniversary of the Cuban Revolution – 1974

A flyer advertising a New Year’s Eve party to be held Dec. 31, 1974 in Washington, D.C. sponsored by the Venceremos Brigade and the D.C. Chile Coalition.

The Venceremos Brigade is a long-standing U.S. group founded in 1969 supporting the Cuban revolution of 1959. It sponsors Americans, particularly students, on trips to Cuba to promote understanding and solidarity.

The D.C. Chile Coalition was formed after the U.S. backed coup that overthrew the popular government of Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973. The group sponsored a number of demonstrations and events supporting opponents of the coup, particularly 1974-75.

Shah’s U.S. visit; nine murdered under torture – May 1975

The Iranian Students Association in Washington-Baltimore publishes a 64-page account In May 1975 of protests against the state visit of the Shah of Iran and his wife receiving an award from Georgetown University.

The booklet contains a long statement by the student group, copies of letters and responses protesting the award and news articles about the protests, U.S. cooperation with the Shah and torture allegations.

The nine names on the front cover were those that students charged were tortured to death in the Evin prison, 30 miles north of Tehran in April 1975. Iranian authorities claimed they were killed during an escape attempt.

The students staged protests at the White House, Kennedy Center, Georgetown University and the Embassy of Iran, as well as in other areas of town. Most involved 300 or more students who wore paper masks to conceal their identity from SAVAK—the Shah’s secret police.

Call to protest U.S. visit of South African official Pik Botha – May 1981

The Coalition to Stop U.S.-South African Collaboration issues a flyer to protest the state visit of the White-supremacist regime Minister of Foreign Affairs Pik Botha in Washington, D.C. May 14, 1981.

The coalition was composed of D.C. Bank Campaign, Southern Africa Support Project, Trans Africa and the Washington Office on Africa.

Botha was invited to the White House to confer with U.S. President Ronald Reagan after meeting with Secretary of State Alexander Haig earlier in the day.

Solidarity with the People of Palestine – 1982 ca.

A “Solidarity with the People of Palestine” poster (that now has significant damage) was created by the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Europe, Africa and Latin America (OSPAAAL) illustrates the state of Israel in flames while in the crosshairs of a weapon and was created circa 1982.

The poster designates May 15th as the day of solidarity and was designed by Cuban artist Rafael Morante.

OSPAAAL was a Cuban political movement with the stated purpose of fighting globalization, imperialism, neoliberalism and defending human rights. The OSPAAAL was founded in Havana in January 1966, after the Tricontinental Conference, a meeting of over 500 delegates and 200 observers from over 82 countries. The organization shut down in 2019.

Native Americans

Flyer announcing The Long Walk for Survival –  May 1980

The Long Walk for Survival was a cross-country demonstration by Native Americans that ended in Washington, D.C. with a series of demonstrations and prayer meetings over two weeks from Nov. 1-14, 1980 to draw attention to the issues of nuclear power and forced sterilization of Native women.

The walk began on Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Gay six months earlier. About 100 demonstrators made the whole trek to Washington, D.C. where they were joined by several hundred more Native Americans and supporters.

They protested the forced sterilization of 60-70,000 Native women in the previous 12 years and the dumping of nuclear waste on Indian reservations as well a more general demand for more self-determination on the reservations.

Prison Rights

No documents at this time

Slave Resistance/Revolts/Military Action

No documents at this time

Socialism

The Swimmers,” by John Reed – 1910

The Swimmers was published in The Forum. It was Journalist/Socialist John Reed’s first trade-published short story.

The piece was published in The Forum, 1910. John Silas “Jack” Reed (October 22, 1887 – October 17, 1920) was an American journalist, poet, and socialist activist, best remembered for Ten Days That Shook the World, his first-hand account of the Bolshevik Revolution.

Declaration of Economic Independence – 1976

The People’s Bicentennial Commission, formed by democratic socialists Jeremy Rifkin and John Rossen, published a Declaration of Economic Independence in 1976 in conjunction with demonstrations and the July 4, 1976 rallies in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C.

The declaration identifies corporations as the cause of economic distress in the United States and calls for a decentralized ownership of the means of production.

Students

Highway of Hunger: The Story of America’s Homeless Youth – 1933

This pamphlet portrays a bleak future for youth whether they are the children of unemployed or college graduates—unless a revolution led by the Communist Party prevails.

Doran joined the Young Communist League in 1930 and went to the Deep South to build up membership of the YCL among the unemployed. In Scottsboro, Alabama, he was beaten up after he became involved in the campaign to free the “Scottsboro Boys.”

In 1931 he joined the Communist Party USA and worked as a trade union organizer with agricultural workers in Alabama, textile workers in North Carolina) and coal miners in Pennsylvania). By 1936 he was the party’s director of trade union activities.

He joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade to fight fascism in Spain. After showing heroism in a number of battles, he was promoted to political commissioner for a battalion.

He was believed to be captured and executed on April 2, 1938 in Gandesa, during the Retreats phase of the Spanish Civil War.

Town Meeting for Youth – Mar. 1941

The American Youth Congress publicizes its successful February 1941 “Town Meeting of Youth” through a 16-page pamphlet recounting the event with articles and photos.

Several thousand delegates attend the “Town Hall of Youth” at Turner’s Arena in Washington, D.C. February 8, 1941. Locally, 198 delegates attended from the District of Columbia, 274 from Maryland and 35 from Virginia.

The delegates took time out from their three-day conference to picket the War Department demanding de-segregation of the armed services and defense industries.

The delegates took a strong stance against U.S. entry into World War II. Prior to the 1939 peace pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, the group had targeted fascism.

The conference also endorsed and lobbied for a “youth bill” that would have provided education and jobs, endorsed retaining the Depression-era Civilian Conservation Corps, called for “Scholarships not Battleships” and denounced the red-baiting “Dies Committee” of the House of Representatives.

Students for a Democratic Society Bulletin – Feb. 1965

This issue of the SDS newsletter contains the flyer for the first mass march on Washington, D.C. against the Vietnam War scheduled for April 17, 1965. It is located on page 13. A surprising 25,000 or more attended the march and rally.

Also of interest to Maryland readers is the article by Bob Moore, then active in the U-JOIN project (Union for Jobs or Income Now). Moore would later go on to lead the organizing effort for hospital workers in the city and become president of the Local 1199 affiliate in the city.

SDS flyer for first mass anti-Viet War march: Mar. 1965

A four-page flyer for the first mass march on Washington, D.C. in protest of the Vietnam War  April 17, 1965 is produced by the Students for a Democratic Society.

Exceeding all expectations, 25,000 gathered in the city to picket the White House and rally at the Sylvan Theater before marching to the U.S. Capitol and presenting a petition against the War.

The march was mainly sponsored by the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Other participating organizations included the Committee for Nonviolent Action, Women’s Strike for Peace, Student Peace Union, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, War Resisters League, Local 1199 of the Hospital Workers, District 65 of the Retail Workers and chapters of the Congress of Racial Equality.

SDS calls for march against Viet War – Nov. 1965

The national office of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) issues a call for a march on Washington, D.C. to be held Nov. 27, 1965 in one of the early national demonstrations against the war in Vietnam.

In this flyer, SDS begins to make a break with those calling for negotiations by stating,

“We must not deceive ourselves: a negotiated agreement cannot guarantee democracy. Only the Vietnamese have the right of nationhood to make their government democratic or not, free or not, neutral or not. It is not America’s role to deny them the chance to be what they make of themselves.”

Nearly 50,000 attended this demonstration—double the number that came the previous spring in the first major antiwar march on Washington.

U. of Md. Students for a Democratic Society Vietnam study guide – circa Spring 1967

The University of Maryland College Park Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) publishes a two-sided flyer circa Spring 1967 that provides a study guide for those interested in educating themselves on the war in Vietnam.

This was toward the end of the “teach-in” period of SDS where a lot of effort was put into educating fellow students about why the Vietnam War conducted by the United States was wrong. The “teach-ins” flourished across the country in 1965-66.

D.C. SNCC calls for anti-draft march – May, 1967

The Washington, D.C. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee calls on black youth to protest the draft May 8, 1967 by joining a march from 14th and H Streets NE to the Rayburn Office Building.

About 100 students from different East Coast colleges marched from the Rosedale playground to the Rayburn Building where they were barred from entering the building or attending a hearing being conducted by U.S. Senator Mendel Rivers (D-S.C.) on the draft.

Call for a black power conference at Howard – 1967

Huey LaBrie, one of the leaders of the student protests at Howard University in 1967 issues a call for a black power student conference to be held in Washington, D.C. May 19-21, 1967.

The informal conference was a run-up to the larger Newark Conference held in the summer ofr1967 that included the NAACP, The Urban League, Afro-American Unity, Harlem Mau and Maus along prominent leaders such as Jessie Jackson, Ron Karenga, Floyd McKissick, Rap Brown, and Charles 27X Kenyatta.

Following up the Newark conference, Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture) pulled together a Black United Front in the District of Columbia in January 1968 that was intended to act as a unified voice for black people in the city.

LaBrie was the brother of Aubrie LaBrie who was a prominent black leader at San Francisco State University. Huey LaBrie was a  leader of the 1967 Black Power Committee on the Howard campus along with Dr. Nathan Hare, Robin Gregory and others.

SDS reprints Ramparts article exposing CIA student funding – Aug. 1967

In August 1967, the University of Maryland College Park chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) reprints the Ramparts magazine article in that blew the whistle on Central Intelligence Agency funding of the U.S. National Student Association (USNSA).

The SDS chapter distributed the article to USNSA delegates to the annual convention of the organization held that year at the University of Maryland and urged the group to disband.

The article exposed the long-running CIA relationship with the organization that included essentially running the group’s international operations and provided a building at 2115 S Street NW for the USNSA’s use and some other domestic funding as well.

The USNSA, composed of student governments throughout the country, did not dissolve. It cut its ties with the CIA over the next two years and at their 1969 convention in El Paso, Texas took a sharp turn to the left when Charles Palmer was elected president of the group.

USNSA staff member Larry Rubin’s notes on CIA student funding – 1967

The staff of the alternative newspaper Washington Free Press reprints former United States National Student Association (USNSA) staff member Larry Rubin’s diary of what USNSA officers were telling employees in January and February 1967 about revelations that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was funding the organization’s international and some of its domestic operations.

The Free Press staff distributed Rubin’s notes to delegates attending the USNSA convention at the University of Maryland College Park campus in August 1967 and along with the campus Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) chapter called on the organization to dissolve.

Rubin’s notes and the Ramparts article revealed the long-running CIA relationship with the organization that included essentially running the group’s international operations and providing a building at 2115 S Street NW for the USNSA’s use and some other domestic funding as well.

The USNSA, composed of student governments throughout the country, did not dissolve. It cut its ties with the CIA over the next two years and at their 1969 convention in El Paso, Texas took a sharp turn to the left when Charles Palmer was elected president of the group.

U. of Md. College Park Students for a Democratic Society constitution – circa 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Students for a Democratic Society constitution circa 1968.

This would have been a necessary document to becoming a recognized student group on campus with access to facilities.

What? Me Worry About the Draft? – 1968 ca.

The Washington Draft Resistance, University of Maryland College Park chapter appeals to students to seek draft counseling for alternatives  to military service.

Parents alerted to student walkout in support of teacher strike – Feb. 1968

Springbrook High School notifies parents of students who participated in a walkout Feb. 2, 1968 in support of a Montgomery County, Maryland teachers strike. 

Defying court injunctions and threatened fines, the union held firm until a settlement was reached that tilted largely in favor of the MCEA (National Education Association affiliate) demands and re-affirmed its dominance as the voice for teachers in the county.

U. of Md. SDS contemplates the upcoming Democratic Convention – Mar. 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) holds a talk on campus by Lee Webb of the Institute for Policy Studies about the upcoming Aug. 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago.

UMD Poor People’s Campaign support contacts – Mar. 1968

The University of Maryland Committee in Support of Dr. Martin Luther King’s Poor People’s Campaign publishes a list of College Park campus contacts in March 1968.

King would be assassinated prior to the campaign that brought several thousand people to Washington, D.C. who lived in plywood huts near the Lincoln Memorial May-June 1968 and conducted demonstrations and token civil disobedience throughout the city.

King had initially envisioned shutting down the city using civil disobedience to demand a minimum guaranteed income, among other demands, but those plans were abandoned after his death.

At its peak, the campaign drew about 75,000 people to a rally.

Bob Simpson, a vintage and current Washington Area Spark contributor is listed as one of the contacts.

UMD Poor People’s Campaign rally – Apr. 1968

An unsigned flyer, probably by the University of Maryland Committee in Support of Dr. Martin Luther King’s Poor People’s Campaign advertises a rally April 9, 1968 and calls on the school administration to open the campus for marchers to stay and to provide food and supplies.

King was assassinated days prior to the issuance of this flyer.

The campaign that brought several thousand people to Washington, D.C. who lived in plywood huts near the Lincoln Memorial May-June 1968 and conducted demonstrations and token civil disobedience throughout the city.

King had initially envisioned shutting down the city using civil disobedience to demand a minimum guaranteed income, among other demands, but those plans were abandoned after his death.

At its peak, the campaign drew upwards of 100,000 people to a rally.

U. of Md. Students for a Democratic Society internal organizing letter – Aug. 1968

Gregory Dunkel, one of the prominent leaders of the U. of Md. College Park SDS  who would later be banned from the campus for his activities during the student strike of 1970, writes a letter inviting members to two informal meetings for an exchange of ideas on what steps to take next.

Topics suggested for discussion included the Eugene McCarthy presidential campaign, the 1968 Democratic Convention, racism, campus politics, war-related issues, reports from national meetings, and Cuba.

SDS plans for fall school year – Sep. 1968

The Regional Office of the Students for Democratic Society (SDS) schedules an area-wide discussion group for September 7, 1968 to plan for the school year.

There were active chapters of SDS at George Washington University, American University, the University of Maryland as well as a number of at-large members in the Washington, D.C. area.

UMD SDS hits National Student Association – Fall 1968

The University of Maryland College Park chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) reprints an article from the Guardian in the fall of 1968 outlining the irrelevancy of the National Student Association (NSA) annual convention to the wider antiwar and radical movements.

The article recounts the goings-on at the NSA’s annual congress at the Kansas State University in Manhattan, Kansas earlier in August.

The SDS flyer also advertises their weekly meetings in the Student Union on campus an includes a membership application to the national office.

Washington Regional SDS recruiting flye – Fall 1968

The Washington Regional SDS office produced this two-sided flyer both as political analysis and a recruiting tool after the Aug. 1968 Democratic Convention that resulted in police violence against the 10,000 demonstrators that had assembled to protest the war and continuing oppression of black people.

The flyer contains an illustration of the city of Chicago as a fortress with Mayor Richard J. Daley, national guardsmen and other figures.

The flyer makes the case that change will not come through peace candidates like Eugene McCarthy and that the repression in Chicago takes the “movement” to a new level.

UMD student government initiates “free university” – Oct. 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Student Government Association sponsors a “free university” on the campus with alternative seminars for those “tired of mass produced education” in the fall of 1968.

The 21 topics ranged from “The Urban Transportation Crisis or ‘White Men’s Roads’ through Black Men’s homes,” to “Introduction to the Philosophy of Ayn Rand.”

The free university was part of a “free community” movement in the greater Washington, D.C. area that involved free health clinics, breakfast for children’s programs, books, concerts and educational courses. The movement also included alternative newspapers, food co-ops, record co-ops and other alternative models.

National SDS recruiting booklet – Fall 1969 ca.

The. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) national office publishes an undated, but probably the fall of 1968, pull out a membership recruitment booklet that skillfully threads the needle between the arising factions and their viewpoints within the organization.

The booklet describes the evolution of the organization from a liberal-left group to a radical group with a bent toward revolutionary politics.

It describes the SDS positions on Vietnam and foreign policy, The draft and the military, on the black liberation movement, labor and the struggles of working people, and the student revolt.

It concludes with an appeal to subscribe to SDS’s publication, New Left Notes, and to join the organization itself.

SDS rally against 30 percent UMD tuition increase – Oct. 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) issues a flyer calling for a rally October 7, 1968 in front of McKelden Library against a 30 percent tuition increase approved by the Board of Regents.

The flyer blasts Gov. Spiro Agnew for raising taxes on working people and freezing the wages of state employees while proposing to cut the taxes of landlords

They also decried the spending of money on a new administration building on the flagship campus while the historically black campuses of the UMD system received no construction funds.

SDS demands:

  1. No tuition or fee increase
  2. End the freeze on state employees’ wages
    1. Admit thousands of black and white working class students with subsidies if necessary
    2. Hire enough teachers to reduce the student/faculty ratio by 50 percent.
    3. Upgrade the black campuses in the university system

Eldridge Cleaver speech flyer at American University – Oct. 1968

Black Panther Party Minister of Information Eldridge Cleaver, presidential candidate on the Peace and Freedom Party ticket and author of Soul on Ice is invited to speak on the American University campus in Washington, D.C. 

The Panthers would establish a small chapter in the city in 1970 and prominent leaders, including David Hilliard, Huey Newton, Elbert “Big Man” Howard, Donald Cox, Eldridge Cleaver, and Kathleen Cleaver all made public appearances in the city.

Call for a student strike against the election – Nov. 1968

An unsigned flyer probably issued by someone in the Washington, D.C. Regional Office of the Students for Democratic Society (SDS) calls for a student strike and demonstrations coinciding with the national presidential election in 1968.

The strike call was issued to protest the three candidates—Democrat Hubert Humphrey, Republican Richard Nixon and American Independent George Wallace—and to demonstrate firm opposition to continued involvement in Vietnam.

Humphrey and Nixon favored continuing the war until a so-called honorable peace could be attained while Wallace favored continuing the war until outright victory.

The Washington, D.C. actions were part of a nationwide call for a student strike. The strike failed and attendance at the antiwar demonstrations held across the country was poor.

A little over two months later, the antiwar movement was reinvigorated with the counter-inaugural demonstrations held simultaneously with the victorious Nixon-Agnew ticket’s official installation in office.

UMD SDS calls for student strike against Viet War and election – Nov. 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) calls for a student strike and demonstrations coinciding with the national presidential election in 1968.

The strike was intended to protest the Vietnam War and the choices of candidates in the election.

Viet students urge end to U.S. involvement Sept. 1969

Two letters from South Vietnamese students dated in 1967 and 1969 encourage U.S. students to continue and intensify their opposition to U.S,. involvement in Vietnam.

The first letter, marked pages 3-4, is dated April 3, 1967 and is sent by the Union of Vietnamese Students in France and signed by three of its officers.

The second letter is dated September 16, 1969 and is from Le Van Nghia, a 24-year-old student at the Faculty of Letters, Saigon University and editor of the school newspaper.

A cover letter dated September 1969 explains the two letters and urges college student newspaper editors to print the two letters that were obtained by the American Friends Service Committee.

University of Maryland Free University: Fall 1969 ca.

The University of Maryland College Park initial Free University course offerings are outlined in this six-page, 8 ½ x 11 mimeographed guide circa fall 1969. The document is difficult to read due to the faded ink.

The Free University was organized by students and faculty who put forth the philosophy in the guide:

“The primary purpose of the program is to free faculty and students alike. In the rigid classroom structure many instructors find themselves teaching courses outside their fields of interest or competence. Due to college requirements and lack of personnel, many courses of current or even limited interest are bypassed.”

“The student too is encumbered with requirements and often find it difficult to achieve any kind of rapport with his instructor in the presence of 350 other classmates. It is also impossible to get “up tight” with a television.”

“Thus the free university offers a natural outlet for frustrated teachers and student alike.”

Courses covered radical politics, philosophy, self-help and a range of other topics. One of the professors, Peter Goldstone, would become a flashpoint for protest when he was terminated along with another professor in the spring of 1970.

A Freedom School at Eastern High School – Sept. 1969

A September 28, 1969 letter from Acting Director of the Washington, D.C. Freedom School Charles Robinson to students in the public school system urging them to join in establishing a Freedom School annex at Eastern High School

It became the first public school curriculum to be designed by students.

The program ran concurrently with D.C. school year, offering elective credit in lieu of elective courses from regular curriculum at Eastern High School.

Two 3-hour sessions daily in Black History, Black Literature, Black Philosophy, Community Organization, Third World Studies, Contemporary Problems, Economics, Black Art and Drama, Black Music, Swahili.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Coolidge student march against the war flyer – Oct. 1969

A flyer advertises a demonstration held during the Vietnam Moratorium by black students at Coolidge High School in Washington, D.C. October 15, 1969.

Over 100 students from Coolidge High School sought to enter the White House grounds with a black pinewood coffin containing letters from students asking President Nixon to end the war.

Refused entry by White House guards, the students pressed forward anyway. Park and metropolitan police bolstered the guards and arrested three students and one passerby. 500 bystanders gathered around the confrontation angrily shouting at police to let the arrested students go.

Smash the 3-Sisters Bridge – Nov. 1969

A poster calling for a rally to “Smash the 3 Sisters Bridge” at Georgetown University followed by a march to the bridge site November 16, 1969 sponsored by the Student Committee on the Transportation Crisis.

The SCTC was set up by students at George Washington, American and Georgetown universities to assist the efforts of the long-standing Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis led by Reginald Booker.

The SCTC was influenced by the more radical faction of the recently fractured Students for a Democratic Society and by the Yippies.

The group engaged in a number of confrontations with police at and around the bridge site, resulting in stone throwing, tear gas and arrests.

A court order stopped construction on the bridge in Aug. 1970 and it was never resumed.

Black Panthers seek to recruit D.C. white student allies – Dec. 1969

During the Black Panther recruiting drive in December 1969 led by Jim Williams, the group also sought to set up an affiliated chapter of the National Committee to Combat Fascism (NCCF).

The flyer publicizes a number of events designed to familiarize area students with the Panthers and to recruit members to the NCCF chapter.

The tour came shortly after the Chicago police murder of Fred Hampton on Dec. 4thand this event is addressed on the reverse side of the flyer.

The NCCF only functioned for a short time, but the Panthers established a full-fledged chapter at their announcement of the Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention at the Lincoln Memorial in June 1970.

Nazi appeal to join affiliated student group – 1970

An appeal to help “Build a New Order” by joining the National Socialist Liberation Front is distributed by the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) based in Arlington, Va. in 1970.

The Liberation Front was created by the Nazi group in 1969 as a student organization, mimicking left-wing student organizations such as W.E.B DuBois Clubs, affiliated with the Communist Party, and the Young Socialist Alliance, affiliated with the Socialist Workers Party.

The group was established by NSWPP member Joseph Tommasi who developed personal and ideological differences with NSWPP commander Matt Koehl. Tommasi denounced Koehl and other members of the leadership at a party congress in 1970 and called for waging an immediate revolution.

It was during the early 70s that infamous white supremacist David Duke joined the National Socialist Liberation Front.

Koehl expelled Tommasi in 1973 for allegedly smoking marijuana and entertaining young women at party headquarters, as well as misusing party funds.

Tommasi re-organized the Liberation Front in 1974 with two tiers—an above ground organization and an underground organization that would wage guerrilla war.

Tommasi was killed by an NSWPP member in front of the NSWPP local headquarters in El Monte, CA during a confrontation. No one was charged in Tommasi’s death.

Following Tommasi’s death, the group underwent several leadership changes and changes in tactics. In the mid 1980s, the group’s leader was arrested on a weapons charge and the Liberation Front fell apart.

Nazi ‘Had Enough, Whitey?’ flyer – 1970

An appeal to white supremacists to join the student National Socialist Liberation Front is distributed by the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) based in Arlington, Va. in 1970.

A platform is printed on the back side. Both sides are chocked full of racial stereotypes and slanders.

‘Why Does the System Hate National Socialism’ – 1970

The National Socialist Liberation Front (the student group of the National Socialist White People’s Party) publishes a tract attempting to explain the merits of Nazi concept of national socialism in 1970.

An application to join the group is one the flip side of the flyer.

Demonstrate to End the Draft – Mar. 1970

The Student Mobilization Committee publishes a flyer as a co-sponsor of anti-draft actions taking place the week of March 15-19, 1970.

Upwards of 500 people rallied March 19th at the Sylvan Theater and at the national draft board of F Street NW. Several people burned draft cards and a coffin filled with draft cards was left at the door.

Other organizations sponsoring the protest included the Vietnam Moratorium Committee in one of their last acts before the group was dissolved, Episcopal Peace Fellowship, New Mobilization Committee, Young Socialist Alliance, D.C. Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, Washington Peace Center, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and Women’s Strike for Peace.

The Student Mobilization Committee began as the student arm of the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, but became a separate organization where the Socialist Workers Party, the dominate Trotskyist organization at the time, and it’s youth arm the Young Socialist Alliance had considerable influence.

UMD Statement on the arrest of the Skinner 87 – Mar. 1970

The University of Maryland College Park issues a statement on the arrest of 87 students March 24, 1970 who were protesting the dismissal of two popular professors.

Two professors, Peter Goldstone and Richard Roeloff, were denied a renewal of their contracts. Several hundred students seized Skinner Hall March 23 for 13 hours before police were called to arrest the demonstrators

Students briefly occupied three buildings on campus again on April 6th, including Skinner Hall, McKeldin Library and the South Administration Building. 

The protest was largely forgotten when the campus erupted May 1, 1970 in protests against President Richard Nixon’s expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the subsequent shooting deaths of 4 students at Kent State University by the Ohio Guard.

Call for Montgomery County students to protest Kent State killings – May 1970

An unsigned call for Montgomery County, Md. students to rally at Springbrook High School May 8, 1970 to protest the killing of four students at Kent State University during an anti-Vietnam War demonstration.

The flyer also calls upon students to attend a memorial service in New York City and to also participate in a University of Maryland rally along with canvassing, picketing and leafleting.

The Kent State shootings, also known as the May 4 massacre and the Kent State massacre, were the killings of four and wounding of nine other unarmed Kent State University students by the Ohio National Guard on May 4, 1970 in Kent, Ohio, 40 miles south of Cleveland.

University of Md. College Park ‘Commuter Newsletter’ – May 8-10, 1970

A unsigned, undated three-page flyer (issued between May 8 and 10, 1970 and probably issued by members of the student strike committee) dubbed “Commuter’s Newsletter”  recounts a faculty assembly vote at the University of Maryland College Park to endorse an immediate end to the war in Vietnam, opposing repression against the Black Panther Party and urging the school administration to keep the school facilities open during the student strike.

Demonstrations against the Vietnam War and a student strike began at the school May 1, 1970 after President Richard Nixon ordered U.S. troops to invade Cambodia-widening the war. A national student strike was called May 4, 1970, the same day that the Ohio National Guard gunned down four students and wounded nine others at Kent State University in Ohio.

The flyer also calls for students to support a liberal grading plan for classes of those engaged in the student strike.

The last page of the flyer reprints the faculty resolutions adopted at an assembly of 1,000 faculty members at Cole Field House May 7, 1970. The assembly was watched by 7,000 students in the stands.

University Record account of UMD administration building fire – May 15, 1970

The University Record dated May 15, 1970b publishes photographs and excerpts from a speech to the University of Maryland College Park  board of regents by President Wiison Elkins describing damage to the administration building sustained during a student demonstration against the Vietnam War May 14, 1970.

Over 5,000 students again occupied U.S. Route 1 after the school’s faculty voted by a 2-1 margin to apply relatively strict grading criteria to students involved in the strike against the expansion of the Indochina War by President Richard Nixon and the shooting deaths of four students at Kent State University by Ohio National Guardsmen.

Ed Beall, a left-leaning faculty activist led a group of students to put out the fire. Otherwise the building may have burned to the ground.

Beall, however, was not rewarded for his actions. Instead the board of regents at the school later fired the tenured professor for posting unauthorized signs on campus and other trivial matters.

Martial law order by National Guard at UMD – May 15 1970

A photograph of a May 15, 1970 order by Maryland National Guard commander Major Gen. Edwin Warfield III imposing a curfew at the University of Maryland College Park, banning the sale and possession of gasoline and banning gatherings on campus of more than 100 people.

It marked the second time the National Guard occupied the campus during the 1970 student strike against the U.S. expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the killings of students at Kent State University.

When the Guard arrived on campus the evening of May 14th, the most bitter and prolonged fighting between students and police and National Guard occurred.

Shortly after this order, 25 students were banned from campus by Warfield at the request of university officials.

Students repeatedly defied the National Guard order and held rallies and marches of several thousand on May 18th, 20thand 22nd.

The National Guard would occupy the campus again during anti-Vietnam War protests in 1971 and 1972.

Remember the Augusta Six – May 1970

A rally is called at the University of Maryland College Park May 20, 1970 to honor the six slain black men in Augusta, Ga. who were shot to death by police—most apparently in the back—while they were protesting the violent death of a 16-year-old that was in police custody.

The campus was under martial law at the time following two weeks of confrontations between students and National Guard and police. Gatherings were prohibited. This is likely why the flyer is unsigned. The first demand of the 1970 student strike was the ending of repression of black people.

Flyer announces formation of DRUM at College Park: 1970

The first flyer issued by the newly constituted Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) announces its formation in late May 1970  out of the 1970 student strike coalition at College Park.

The May 1970 student strike was the first mass protest at the College Park campus and included occupation of buildings, the seizure of U.S. Route 1, confrontations with police and National Guard and a student strike that was part of a nationwide student strike against the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the shooting deaths of four student protesters at Kent State University in Ohio.

DRUM filled a year-long void caused by the splintering of the Students for Democratic Society (SDS) in the summer of 1969.

DRUM published The Radical Guide to the University of Maryland and the Route One Gazette and held a number of meetings and protests on and off the campus.

The spring 1971 antiwar protests on the campus that resulted in a Maryland National Guard occupation of the campus for the second straight year were largely guided by these activists.

Confront Mandel and the [UMD] Regents – Jun. 1970

President Wilson Elkins scheduled a meeting with the University of Maryland Board of Regents and Maryland Gov. Marvin Mandel June 26, 1970 and students responded by calling a demonstration.

The flyer is unsigned, but likely issued by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM).

DRUM was formed from the student strike committee that attempted to guide the month-long student strike in May 1970 against the Vietnam War following President Richard Nixon’s invasion of Cambodia.  The shooting deaths of four students at Kent State University May 4, 1970 by the Ohio National Guard helped fuel the strike and protests.

The War Drags on Rally at the U. of Md. College Park – Aug. 1970

An unsigned flyer calls for a rally against the Vietnam War August 4, 1970 on the Mall at the University of Maryland College Park. The flyer is unsigned but contains the demands of the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland and was likely put out by the group.

USNSA Congress News – August 16, 1970

USNSA Congress News – August 17, 1970

U.S. National Student Association (USNSA) Congress News October 16, 1970 reports on the passage of a resolution the previous night during their convention at Macalester College in Minneapolis, MN that authorizes the umbrella group of college student governments to negotiate a People’s Peace Treaty and organize demonstrations, including civil disobedience, beginning May 1, 1971.

While its politics were always liberal, the top officers of the organization permitted the CIA to use students to gather intelligence and attempt to blunt communist influence in international student gatherings from 1947-67.

Ramparts Magazine published an expose in 1967 blowing the lid of the scheme and the group extricated itself from CIA funding.

Despite its background as a Cold War front group, over the course of three years 1967-70, it turned from a tool of U.S. foreign policy to helping lead the fight against it, including the call for a national student strike against the Vietnam War in May 1970, the negotiations of a People’s Peace Treaty with North and South Vietnamese students in December 1970, and the endorsement and organization of the Mayday civil disobedience in Washington, D.C. in May 1971.

Radical Guide to the University of Maryland – Aug. 1970

The University of Maryland was relatively quiet during the late 1960s when turmoil swept campuses around the country over the Vietnam War and black liberation.

However, the campus exploded in 1970—first with the university’s mass arrests of students protesting the firing of two popular professors and later with massive antiwar demonstrations and resulting confrontations that ended in the campus being occupied by the National Guard.

The Guide was written and published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM), a short-lived campus successor to the Students for Democratic Society (SDS).

It recounts the demonstrations of during the Spring of 1970 and puts forward the views of the students on important issues of the day.

Student Peace Lobby holds UMD candidate forum – Aug. 1970

The Student Peace Lobby holds a Prince George’s County candidate forum at the University of Maryland College Park August 4-5, 1970 and highlights the student candidates.

The Student Peace Lobby was a brief-lived campus organization that sought to elect anti-Vietnam War candidates, secure voting rights for students and lobby elected officials to oppose the Vietnam War.

Student Government Association president Madison Jones ran for sheriff on a platform of attempting to rein in the duties of the sheriff.

You Don’t Have to Go – Sep. 1970 ca.

A flyer published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Mother Bloor Collective calls on students at College Park to seek draft counseling and oppose the war in Vietnam.

DRUM grew out of the May 1970 student strike on the College Park campus while Mother Bloor was a local Marxist-Leninist collective some student activist leaders formed to chart a path forward for those radicalized in the civil rights and Vietnam War struggles.

DRUM lasted about two years while most of the member of Mother Bloor affiliated with the Workers World Party or its youth group Youth Against War and Fascism.

Maryland radicals Mother Bloor Collective and DRUM defend Panther’s RPCC – Oct. 1970

The Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Ella Reeve Bloor Collective (Mother Bloor) publish an explanation of the Black Panther Party-sponsored Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention plenary session in Philadelphia, Pa. and re-iterate that the full convention scheduled for Washington, D.C. in November 1970 will be held.

Due to political pressure from the federal government and local authorities, suitable venues in the Washington, D.C. area, including Howard University, the University of Maryland and the D.C. Armory all rejected the Panther convention. While several thousand streamed into the city and small activities were held, no plenary session was ever convened.

On the back side of the flyer are hand-written lyrics to a song popularized by the Weather Underground: Red Party Fights to Win.

May Strike at U. of Md. film screening flyer: Nov. 1970

The Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) sponsors a film November 9, 1970 on the student strike the previous spring that protested President Richard Nixon’s expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the shooting deaths of four Kent State University students by the Ohio National Guard.

Anyone who has information on this film, please contact Washington_area_spark@yahoo.com We would love to digitalize it and post it on our site.

Position paper on workers for Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention: 1970

The Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM), a primarily student group based at UMD College Park, puts out a flyer outlining its position on workers for the Revolutionary Peoples’ Constitutional Convention scheduled for Nov. 27-29 in Washington, D.C

The convention was spearheaded by the Black Panther Party.

It calls for workers control of the means of production, minority guaranteed a proportional share of work and decision-making, guaranteed employment, a national production plan, and guaranteed education and training.

Call for action to stop Nixon’s new war escalation – Nov. 1970

A call to action at the University of Maryland College Park  on the Vietnam War following an increase in bombing and a failed attempt to rescue American POWs is published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) circa November 1970.

This flyer disparages President Richard Nixon’s war escalation and provides facts to support an antiwar position. The flyer is partially damaged.

DRUM was a successor to the campus chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society that was formed out of the steering committee from the May 1970 student strike against the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the shooting deaths of four students at Kent State University by the Ohio National Guard.

U. of Md. ‘wanted poster’ of undercover police – 1970 ca.

The first in a series of “wanted” posters put out anonymously on the University of Maryland campus of police agents and informers following the student strike of 1970.

This one features alleged state police officers John Paul Cook and Bob Wacker.

U. of Md. ‘wanted poster’ of undercover police (2) – 1970 ca.

The second in a series of “wanted” posters put out anonymously on the University of Maryland campus of police agents and informers following the student strike of 1970.

This one features alleged state police officer or informer Jim Lair.

U. of Md. ‘wanted poster’ of police/FBI informant (3) – 1970 ca.

The third in a series of “wanted” posters put out anonymously on the University of Maryland College Park campus of police agents and informers following the student strike of 1970.

This one features alleged police/FBI informant Thomas Hyde.

National student antiwar conference at Catholic U. – Feb. 1971

The Student Mobilization Committee advertises a rally and a national anti-Vietnam War conference to be held at Catholic University February 19-21, 1971.

The rally was also sponsored by the National Peace Action Coalition (NPAC), one of two umbrella antiwar coalitions at the time.  The other was the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ). NPAC organized around a single issue of end the war while PCPJ embraced antiwar, social and economic justice issues.

The Student Mobilization Committee began as the student arm of the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam—the predecessor of PCPJ and NPAC–but became a separate organization where the Socialist Workers Party, the dominate Trotskyist organization at the time, and it’s youth arm the Young Socialist Alliance had considerable influence.

At its high point SMC had chapters on dozens of campuses across the country.

Mother Bloor collective warns U. of Md. students of drug raids – Apr. 1971

Mother Bloor, a Marxist-Leninist study group based at the University of Maryland College Park  that briefly formed its own organization, warns of the possibility of a police raid on the campus looking for drugs April 30-May 2, 1971.

No raids apparently took place, though the campus would be wracked by another year of anti-Vietnam War demonstrations that brought the National Guard back to occupy the campus for a second year.

Mother Bloor (1970-71), named after an early U.S. Communist Party labor leader, was formed in large by University of Maryland College Park activists around the same time as Mother Jones, a similar group in Baltimore named after another labor leader.

Both groups acted as communist political groups but ended up taking different directions. Most members of Mother Bloor affiliated with the Workers World Party—a split off from the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party in the 1959–while most Mother Jones members affiliated with the Revolutionary Union—a Maoist group with roots in San Francisco Bay Area in the late 1960s.

UMD antiwar coalition formulates demands – May 1971

The University of Maryland [College Park] Spring Action Coalition comprised of various campus left-leaning groups formulates its demands during a series of demonstrations in May 1971 on the campus.

The protests broke out at the same time Mayday demonstrations were occurring in nearby Washington, D.C. and resulted in the National Guard occupying the campus for the second year in a row. The Guard would also put down antiwar demonstrations on the campus in 1972.

The demands included kicking ROTC off the campus, implementing the People’s Peace Treaty and an end to disciplinary measures against students and guests.

U. of Md. students produce a guide to Mayday civil disobedience – 1971

The University of Maryland Mayday contingent produced a guide to the Mayday 1971 anti-Vietnam War demonstrations that were intended to shut down the government by using civil disobedience to block traffic in Washington, D.C.

DRUM and Mother Bloor urge on U. of Md. students – Fall, 1971

A flyer published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Mother Bloor Collective in the fall of 1971 calls on students at College Park to re-double their opposition to the Vietnam War after President Richard Nixon’s failed raid to rescue POWs and the withdrawal of a small number of troops.

DRUM grew out of the May 1970 student strike on the College Park campus while Mother Bloor was a local Marxist-Leninist collective some student activist leaders formed to chart a path forward for those radicalized in the civil rights and Vietnam War struggles.

DRUM lasted about two years while most of the members of the Mother Bloor collective affiliated with the Workers World Party or its youth group Youth Against War and Fascism.

Call for an anti-imperialist contingent in national antiwar march – May 1972

A flyer by the Attica Brigade, a youth group associated with the Maoist Revolutionary Union calls on people to join an anti-imperialist contingent in a larger march on Washington, D.C. to oppose the Vietnam War May 21, 1972.

While speeches took place before a crowd of 10-15,000 on the grounds of the U.S. Capitol, several thousand in the anti-imperialist contingent tossed rocks, bottles and other projectiles while police responded with clubs and tear gas.

D.C. police chief Jerry Wilson was hit six times with objects including a wooden stick that caused blood to run down his face.

Wilson was quoted, “They usually run when I walk toward them. This time they threw bigger rocks.”

A dozen police officers were injured and 178 protesters were arrested during the confrontation.

Protest arrests of two U. of Md. students – July 1972

An unsigned flyer protests the arrests of two students charged with minor acts of vandalism to the destruction of the Vietnam War. The flyer calls on students to attend the trials of Steve Moore and Bob Ferraro.

U. of Md. students protest arrests – Fall, 1972

A newly formed Md./D.C. Committee to Oppose Political Repression issues a flyer protesting the arrest of three University of Maryland students arrested during a May 10, 1972 antiwar demonstration on the campus where police engaged in well-documented police brutality against one of those arrested.

Freedom Party marches on Rockville, Md. – Nov. 1972

The Montgomery County Freedom Party sponsors an anti-Vietnam War demonstration November 8, 1972 where about 75 people marched to the military recruiting station in downtown Rockville, Md.

The Freedom Party was one of dozens of local groups that sprang up around the country on college campuses to fill the void caused by the collapse of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) in the summer of 1969.

It was one of the few local demonstrations against the Vietnam War in Montgomery County where the focus was usually on Washington, D.C.

The Freedom Party left its mark on the Rockville campus of Montgomery College from the fall semester of 1971 through the spring semester of 1973, publishing Spark newspaper, sponsoring a series of speakers and holding protests. At one point they held a majority of seats in the student government.

Weather Underground FBI Wanted Poster  – 1972

While never specifically espousing an anarchist philosophy, the Weather Underground’s political beliefs and actions mirrored some of the characteristics of anarchism. The group formed as a result in a split of the mass student-based organization Students for a Democratic Society in 1969.

The Weathermen, as they were originally known, carried out their first major action later in the year—The Days of Rage in Chicago’s streets October 8-11th. Several hundred hard-core activists battled Chicago police over three days under the slogan “Bring the War Home.”

A major focus of the demonstration was the trial of the Chicago 8—antiwar leaders of various philosophies charged with fomenting a riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention. The clashes with police ended with six Weathermen wounded by police gunfire, 287 arrested and a number of other injured. The police suffered several dozen injuries—none serious.

Many of those charged failed to appear in court resulting in most of the wanted profiles on the linked document.

The Weather Underground went on to conduct a symbolic bombing campaign of government, industrial or other political targets until 1977 when the group essentially disbanded.

A few members went on to participate in the May 19thCommunist Organization joint action with the Black Liberation Army of a 1981 robbery of a Brinks truck in New Jersey that resulted in the death of a guard and two police officers. Suspects were arrested over a five-year period and sentenced to long prison terms.

Transit in the D.C. Area

White Man’s Road Through Black Man’s Home – 1968

This is a poster designed by Sammie Abbott of the Emergency Committee for the Transportation Crisis in 1968 that encapsulated the group’s fight against planned freeways in the District of Columbia.

In January 1967, Abbott used the words “a white man’s road…through black men’s homes,” in testimony before the National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) on the North Central Freeway.

Abbott may have used the words first, but Reginald Booker turned them into a slogan that galvanized black opposition to new highways and put the issue in stark racial terms. Abbott, a graphic arts designer, produced the dozens of posters and flyers that featured it.

The group would successfully lead a confrontational fight against new freeways, for public takeover of the private bus company and for construction of the new Metrorail system that resulted in almost complete victory against powerful opponents.

ECTC anti-freeway song sheet – 1969 ca.

The Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis (ECTC) publishes an 8 ½ x 11, 2-page protest song lyric sheet circa 1969 for use at demonstrations and meetings against building planned freeways and bridges in and around the District of Columbia

The ECTC spearheaded pubic protests against freeway construction in the city, advocating to divert highway funds to build Metro.

The protests and parallel legal action eventually ended most freeway construction in the city. As a result of the campaign Metro took over four private bus companies in the region to run a public bus system and completed the Metrorail system.

Rally to rehabilitate Brookland homes – Jun. 1969

A rally is planned June 28, 1969 to make a second attempt at rehabilitation of homes condemned by the District government for the North Central Freeway in the Brookland area of the city.

The homes had been vacant for more than a year and had been vandalized. A court injunction had placed the planned freeway on hold.

On June 21st six people were arrested for entering one of the homes and attempting to begin rehabilitation. Following the publicity, Mayor Walter Washington announced that the city would rehabilitate the homes and place them up for sale.

Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis appeal – Aug. 1969 ca.

The Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis (ECTC) issues an appeal to the public to take action following a vote by the D.C. City Council in August 1969 to approve the construction of the Three Sisters Bridge.

The flyer appeals for financing a legal fight against proposed freeways, defense funds for those arrested during actions opposing freeways, help getting the freeway issue on the ballot as a referendum and help in the communities opposing the construction of new freeways.

The Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis (ECTC) spearheaded pubic protests against freeway construction in the city, advocating to divert highway funds to build Metrorail.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Student Committee on the Transportation Crisis meeting flyer – Oct. 1969

The George Washington University chapter of the Student Committee on the Transportation Crisis (SCTC) publishes an 8 ½ x 11 two-sided flyer advertising a meeting on campus October 19, 1969 following the arrest of 141 people protesting construction of the Three Sister Bridge to “Stop the Bridge, Free D.C.”

The SCTC and the larger Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis (ECTC) spearheaded pubic protests against freeway construction in the city, advocating to divert highway funds to build Metro.

The protests and parallel legal action eventually ended most freeway construction in the city. As a result of the campaign Metro took over four private bus companies in the region to run a public bus system and completed the Metrorail system.

Smash the 3-Sisters Bridge – Nov. 1969

A poster calling for a rally to “Smash the 3 Sisters Bridge” at Georgetown University followed by a march to the bridge site November 16, 1969 sponsored by the Student Committee on the Transportation Crisis.

The SCTC was set up by students at George Washington, American and Georgetown universities to assist the efforts of the long-standing Emergency Committee on the Transportation Crisis led by Reginald Booker.

Opposition to the bridge was seen as the key to stopping a planned series of freeways that would destroy thousands of primarily black homes and crisscross the city.

A court order stopped construction on the bridge located several hundred yards north of the existing Key Bridge in Aug. 1970 and it was never resumed.

Later on legislation passed Congress allowing localities to utilize unused freeway construction funds for subway building and D.C. then took freeway and bridge funds and used them to accelerate the building of the Metrorail system.

Call for 3-Sisters Bridge celebration – 1971

A flyer calling for a celebration October 30, 1971 of a U.S. Court of Appeals decision that effectively indefinitely delayed construction of the Three Sisters Bridge.

The court ruled that the government must start all over with the planning and review process.

Opposition to the bridge was seen as the key to stopping a planned series of freeways that would destroy thousands of primarily black homes and crisscross the city. A court order stopped construction on the bridge in Aug. 1970 and it was never resumed.

Later on legislation passed Congress allowing localities to utilize unused freeway construction funds for subway building and D.C. then took freeway and bridge funds and used them to accelerate the building of the Metrorail system.

Transit union working cards – 1974-77

A 1977 yearly card (top) issued by the Amalgamated Transit Union for members in good standing.  These were stickers that were usually displayed by union members on operator trap boxes (below) or mechanic tool boxes.

The ATU previously issued monthly cards like this, but began issuing yearly cards because of the expense. Later they began issue permanent plastic cards.

Trap boxes were used to carry transfers, schedules, running time cards, shop cards, refund slips and scrip, and other items used daily by bus operators. Some operators would keep their punch (for punching transfers) in their trap box when not on duty.

The trap box (bottom) displays monthly cards issued in 1974.

WMATA & union letters ordering striking workers back to work – May 1974

Shortly after the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority (WMATA also known as Metro) took over four privately owned bus companies in addition to the task of building a subway, the contract between Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 and the new public company expired.

The union called a strike on May 1, 1974 after the contract expired, negotiations stalled and Metro had not specifically agreed to arbitration as provided for in the expiring labor contract and the Interstate Compact that created Metro.

The union argued that the clause in the expiring contract permitted a legal strike when the company refused to arbitrate. A federal judge disagreed and fined the union $50,000 per day (later reduced to $25,000) until workers returned to work.

Attached are back-to-work letters from the union and the company after workers continued the strike after the judge’s order.

Files of the Metro Employees Action Alliance – 1976

The Metro Employees Action Alliance (originally named the Ad Hoc Committee) was a brief-lived caucus with Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 approximately May-September 1976.

It questioned union leaders at meeting, publicized the management’s contract proposals, made contract proposals of their own, raised money and hired a public relations firm to counter negative press on Metro workers and their union.

It was the first of several organized caucuses that eventually helped produce new leadership of the union that replaced the “business unionism” of the time.

The surviving records:

WMATA management proposals for contract changes – May 1, 1976

Questions to be asked at the union meeting  – May 18, 1976

Summary of Metro contract proposals circulated to union membership – circa May 22, 1976

Caucus meeting agenda – May 28, 1976

Draft notice to members of Metro’s contract proposals  – circa May 28, 1976


Arbitration award on Metro strike discipline – 1978

The Washington Metro system had been beset by three wildcat strikes and a work-to-the rule within a four-year period.

The Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority sought to discipline workers who led and participated in the July 1978 strike over the refusal to pay a cost-of-living increase provided for in the labor agreement.

Workers eventually won the dispute, but over a 100 were disciplined for the strike and eight were fired for their roles in the work stoppage.

An arbitrator ruled on four fired defendants finding that discipline was warranted but that the terminations should be reduced to suspensions, largely because Metro had not disciplined employees for prior strikes or job actions.

The finding also affirmed that strikes are illegal under the Interstate Compact that created Metro that provides for “final and binding arbitration of all disputes.”

Files of the Metro Workers Rank and File Action Caucus

The Metro Workers Rank and File Action Caucus was formed in the wake of the 1978 cost-of-living wildcat strike that paralyzed bus service and the embryonic subway service for a week in July 1978. At least two caucuses arose out of the strike. One was influenced by the Progressive Labor Party and the other was the Action Caucus.

The caucus lasted about two years during which it held a fundraiser for workers fired during the strike, proposed more democratic bylaw changes, investigated the union’s finances and finding some discrepancies and running candidates for union offices in the elections scheduled for December 1979. The election was postponed for a month to January 9th and a runoff was held January 16, 1980 in instances where no candidate received 50 percent plus one of the vote.

Two Action Caucus members won two board seats and Progressive Labor won one board seat out of the 15 seats available. Allies of the Action Caucus on the Unity Slate won two of the top five positions: secretary-treasurer and  2ndvice president and also won two additional board seats. The incumbent president was defeated by an independent candidate.

Action

Vol. 1 No. 1 – Sept. 5, 1978

Vol.1. No. 2 – Oct. 1978

Vol. 1 No. 3 – Nov. 1978

Vol. 1 No. 4 – Jan. 1979

Vol. 1 No. 5 – Jun. 1979

Vol. 1 No. 6 – Aug. 1979

Action Caucus Minutes, flyers and election flyers

Caucus minutes – 7/30/78 – 10/1/78

Turn out for the arbitration hearings flyer – 8/21/78

Report of the Local 689 audit committee – 10/2/79

A vote for Mayo-Waller-Simpson is a vote for change – election flyer 11/79

Elect the Unity Slate platform – 11/79

Letter on the disqualification of Walter Tucker as presidential candidate—11/19/1979

Vote January 9 Mayo-Waller-Simpson—1/9/80

Vote Mayo-Waller-Simpson in the runoff elections—1/16/80

Attend the new officers installation—2/80

Unofficial election results—2/80

Files of the Metro Committee Against Racism (CAR)

The Metro Committee Against Racism was an ongoing caucus within Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 organized by the Progressive Labor Party from approximately 1978 until approximately 1996.

It criticized union leadership, ran candidates for union office and advocated for social and economic justice and against U.S. imperialism.

We currently have one issue of the newsletter Metro C.A.R.

Metro C.A.R. – August 1978 ca.

U.S. National Domestic Politics and Issues

American Independent Party candidate for President George Wallace handbill – Nov. 1968

A handbill passed out at polling places in Maryland November 5, 1968 for white supremacist candidate for president George Wallace who was running as a third-party candidate on the American Independent Party ticket.

Wallace hoped to garner enough electoral votes to throw the election into the House of Representatives where he could be a kingmaker and bargain to preserve white supremacy in the south. He won five southern states, but Richard M. Nixon won enough electoral votes to win the presidency.

Wallace ran behind both Nixon and Humbert Humphrey in Maryland in 1968, gaining about 170,000 votes to the other two nominees who each received about 470,000.

Declaration of Economic Independence – 1976

The People’s Bicentennial Commission, formed by democratic socialists Jeremy Rifkin and John Rossen, published a Declaration of Economic Independence in 1976 in conjunction with demonstrations and the July 4, 1976 rallies in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C.

The declaration identifies corporations as the cause of economic distress in the United States and calls for a decentralized ownership of the means of production.

Unemployed

Photos of Coxey’s Army – 1894

Coxey’s Army of the unemployed, who marched on Washington in the Spring of 1894, marked the first well publicized protest demonstration in the nation’s capital.

The photos show “Miss Coxey” riding a horse with Jacob Coxey’s second-in-command “Bill Browne” leading the march on 14th Street NW; “Bill Browne declaring that Coxey will speak at the U.S. Capitol; “Coxey’s Army” leaving Brightwood camp near Georgia and Missouri Avenues; “Coxey’s Army” marching on Pennsylvania Ave. NW; the U.S. Capitol police chief; and “Lieutenant Kelly,” who arrested Coxey, leading a group of police officers.

Spurred by the deprivation caused by the panic of 1893 (the country’s worst depression up to that point in time), Ohio businessman Jacob Coxey organized the march to demand a public works program that would provide jobs and built the country’s infrastructure to stimulate economic growth.

When the protesters finally reached the U.S. Capitol on May 1, 1894, the demonstration was broken up by police using clubs and horses. Coxey and several other leaders were jailed before Coxey could finish his speech.

However, the vast publicity would spur many others to march on Washington again, including Coxey who staged a second march in 1914.

Highway of Hunger: The Story of America’s Homeless Youth – 1933

This pamphlet portrays a bleak future for youth whether they are the children of unemployed or college graduates—unless a revolution led by the Communist Party prevails.

Doran joined the Young Communist League in 1930 and went to the Deep South to build up membership of the YCL among the unemployed. In Scottsboro, Alabama, he was beaten up after he became involved in the campaign to free the “Scottsboro Boys.”

In 1931 he joined the Communist Party USA and worked as a trade union organizer with agricultural workers in Alabama, textile workers in North Carolina) and coal miners in Pennsylvania).

By 1936 he was the party’s director of trade union activities. He joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade to fight fascism in Spain. After showing heroism in a number of battles, he was promoted to political commissioner for a battalion.

He was believed to be captured and executed on April 2, 1938 in Gandesa, during the Retreats phase of the Spanish Civil War.

Students for a Democratic Society Bulletin – Feb. 1965

This issue of the national SDS newsletter contains the flyer for the first mass march on Washington, D.C. against the Vietnam War scheduled for April 17, 1965. It is located on page 13.

Also of interest to Maryland readers is the article by Bob Moore, then active in the U-JOIN project (Union for Jobs or Income Now). Moore would later go on to lead the organizing effort for hospital workers in the city and become president of the Local 1199 affiliate in the city (page 7).

Poor Peoples Benefit Concert – Aug. 1970

A flyer advertises a benefit concert for the National Welfare Rights Organization to be held August 23, 1970 at RFK Stadium.

The concert scheduled artists Miles Davis, Junior Walker and the All Stars, Mother Earth, The Paul Butterfield Blues Band, Sha-na-na, Ramsey Lewis, Peaches and Herb and the Staples Singers among others.

However about half the artists failed to show; only about 3,000 of the expected 30,000 attendees actually bought the $6 tickets; and the event only broke even—producing no money for the NWRO.

Call for jobless march on Washington: 1977

A flyer from the New York/New Jersey United Workers Organization lays out the case against cutting unemployment benefits and calls for a march on Washington.

The demonstration sponsored by the Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee attracted 1,000 unemployed to march from All Souls Church at 16th & Harvard Streets NW, down 18th St to the White House on March 5, 1977 to demand “no cuts in unemployment benefits.”

Flyer recaps D.C. unemployed demonstration – 1977

A flyer from the New York/New Jersey United Workers Organization lays out the case against cutting unemployment benefits and recounts a recent march on Washington.

The demonstration sponsored by the Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee attracted 1,000 unemployed to march from All Souls Church at 16th & Harvard Streets NW, down 18th St to the White House on March 5, 1977 to demand “no cuts in unemployment benefits.”

Veterans

The B.E.F. News (newspaper of the Bonus Army) – Jun. 1932

The B.E.F. News (newspaper of the Bonus Army) – Jul. 1932

Two of the first issues of the B.E.F. News published June 25, 1932 and July 9, 1932 by the Bonus Expeditionary Force-BEF–or Bonus Army—are published for the estimated 50,000 people that made up their encampments around the Washington, D.C.

The World War I era veterans and their families began arriving in the city in May to press demands for an accelerated wartime bonus that had been promised them in the future.

After nearly two months of demonstrations and lobbying Congress, they were routed from the camps by the U.S. Army on orders of President Herbert Hoover who feared a communist uprising. Two veterans were killed and dozens injured in the eviction.

Smaller groups would return the city in the coming years until the. Bonus was finally paid out in 1936. Congress, with Democrats holding majorities in both houses, passed the Adjusted Compensation Payment Act authorizing the immediate payment of the $2 billion in WWI bonuses, and then overrode Roosevelt’s veto of the measure.

South Vietnamese 20 Dong note: 1964

A 20 Dong note circulated in the Republic (South) of Vietnam that was widely familiar to American GIs who served in-country.

Officially: Ngan-Hang Quoc-Gia Viet-Nam, (National Bank of Vietnam) circa 1964, 20 Dong – Banknote.

Front: Book (symbol for Wisdom and Sciences), scrolls (symbol for Knowledge and Scholarliness). Back:  Dragon fish.

The currency was phased out after the 1975 military victory by forces of the (South) Provisional Revolution Government and the Democratic Republic (North) of Vietnam.

Vets for Peace in Vietnam flyer – 1967 ca.

Veterans for Peace in Vietnam issues a flyer quoting former military leaders on the folly of the Vietnam War circa 1967.

The name was first used when 500 veterans signed a letter opposing the Vietnam War that published November 24 1965 in New York Times.

Chapters were set up across the country and the organization’s members often marched at the head of antiwar demonstrations across the country.

Mainly composed of World War II and Korean War veterans, they stood out in any march with their paper hats that read Vets for Peace in Vietnam.

The group disappeared with the end of the Vietnam war, but the name was resurrected in 1985 and the new group subsequently protested U.S. aid to the Contras in Nicaragua and later the war against Iraq, among other activities. This second group continues to exist today.

Fact sheet on antiwar seaman Roger Priest – Jul. 1969 ca.

A 1969 fact sheet on the case of Roger Priest, a Navy seaman who worked at the Pentagon charged with a variety of offenses for his publication of an anti-Vietnam War newsletter called OM. The flyer is uncredited.

OM had a print run of 1000 and featured anti-Vietnam War articles and information as well as acting as a “gripe” forum for armed service members.

The court martial at the Washington Navy Yard included charges of soliciting fellow soldiers to desert, urging insubordination and making statements disloyal to the United States.

He was convicted of minor charges and received a reprimand, reduction in rank and a bad conduct discharge for promoting disloyalty. Upon appeal the charges were voided and he was given an honorable discharge.

Link News timeline of Roger Priest disloyalty case – Jan. 1971 ca.

The Servicemen’s Link to Peace Link News provides a biographical sketch and timeline of D.C. area Seaman Apprentice Roger Priest in early 1971. Priest’s charges including soliciting fellow soldiers to desert, urging insubordination and making statements disloyal to the United States following the publication of several issues his antiwar alternative GI newspaper OM.

The Link provided publicity, organizing material and coordinated legal assistance to active duty GIs around the country from 1969-71.

The group, headquartered in Washington, D.C., also played a role in the defense of the Presidio 27, prisoners who broke ranks and sat in the grass, singing “We Shall Overcome” in protest of conditions at the military prison and the Vietnam War in October 1968.

GI Office to document military abuse of GI rights – Jan. 1971

The GI Office, a national clearinghouse and drop-in center for active duty servicemembers headquartered in the Washington, D.C. area, calls on current and former servicemembers in January 1971 to contact them to document cases of military injustice and repression for preparation for upcoming Congressional hearings.

The hearings held in February and March 1971 were mainly devoted to clandestine military surveillance of active duty GIs.

The GI Office was opened In July 1970 on funds raised by actress and antiwar activist Jane Fonda and staffed by former Green Beret Donald Duncan. It’s initial focus was attempting to marshal congressional support for active duty GIs who were denied their rights under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

Fonda said at the time the office first opened that it would collect, investigate and document “deprivation of the, rights of our service personnel.” Complaints can originate directly from soldiers, in dependent agencies or the offices of Senators or Representatives, Fonda said.

The group quickly organized training conferences for those interested in assisting GIs around the country. The training included instructions in Army regulations, the court martial process, types of methods for securing discharges and other GI counseling topics.

The group also sought to guarantee legal counsel to any GI who was charged by the military after exercising their legal rights.

GI Office seeks to add field offices – Mar. 1972

The GI Office, a clearinghouse and drop-in center for active duty servicemembers in the Washington, D.C. area summarizes its functions and outlines it’s planned expansion in a March 1972 background piece as part of a funding proposal.

The GI Office was opened In July 1970 on funds raised by actress and antiwar activist Jane Fonda and staffed by former Green Beret Donald Duncan. It’s initial focus was attempting to marshal congressional support for active duty GIs who were denied their rights under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

Fonda said at the time the office first opened that it would collect, investigate and document “deprivation of the, rights of our service personnel.” Complaints can originate directly from soldiers, in dependent agencies or the offices of Senators or Representatives, Fonda said.

The group quickly organized training conferences for those interested in assisting GIs around the country. The training included instructions in Army regulations, the court martial process, types of methods for securing discharges and other GI counseling topics.

The group also sought to guarantee legal counsel to any GI who was charged by the military after exercising their legal rights.

VVAW comes to Washington July 1-4 1974 – June 1974

Vietnam Veterans Against the War was formed in 1967 and grew quickly to thousands of members nationwide. It carried out a number of high-profile demonstrations and actions including the April 1971 protests where veterans threw their combat medals, ribbons and other related items onto the U.S. Capitol grounds in protest of the Vietnam War.

The 1974 demonstration in Washington, D.C. was the last major protest organized by the group before it fractured in an internal struggle over the future of the organization. It still continues to operate today, carrying out awareness of veterans’ issues and focusing on medical treatment of veterans.

Vietnam War

South Vietnamese 20 Dong note: 1964

A 20 Dong note circulated in the Republic (South) of Vietnam that was widely familiar to American GIs who served in-country.

Officially: Ngan-Hang Quoc-Gia Viet-Nam, (National Bank of Vietnam) circa 1964, 20 Dong – Banknote.

Front: Book (symbol for Wisdom and Sciences), scrolls (symbol for Knowledge and Scholarliness). Back:  Dragon fish.

The currency was phased out after the 1975 military victory by forces of the (South) Provisional Revolution Government and the Democratic Republic (North) of Vietnam.

Students for a Democratic Society Bulletin – Feb. 1965

This issue of the SDS national newsletter contains the flyer for the first mass march on Washington, D.C. against the Vietnam War scheduled for April 17, 1965. It is located on page 13.

Also of interest to Maryland readers is the article by Bob Moore, then active in the U-JOIN project (Union for Jobs or Income Now). Moore would later go on to lead the organizing effort for hospital workers in the city and become president of the Local 1199 affiliate in the city.

SDS flyer for first mass anti-Viet War march: Mar. 1965

A four-page flyer for the first mass march on Washington, D.C. in protest of the Vietnam War  April 17, 1965 is produced by the Students for a Democratic Society.

Exceeding all expectations, 25,000 gathered in the city to picket the White House and rally at the Sylvan Theater before marching to the U.S. Capitol and presenting a petition against the War.

The march was mainly sponsored by the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Other participating organizations included the Committee for Nonviolent Action, Women’s Strike for Peace, Student Peace Union, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, War Resisters League, Local 1199 of the Hospital Workers, District 65 of the Retail Workers and chapters of the Congress of Racial Equality.

Flyer advertising first major D.C. anti-Viet War protest — Mar.1965

The Detroit Committee to End the War in Vietnam was formed in February 1965 and its first action was to issue this call to attend the first major national antiwar protest in Washington, D.C. to be held April 17, 1965.

The Detroit Committee continued to exist until 1972, but was beset by ideological infighting before the Socialist Workers Party became the predominant tendency in its latter years.

The DCEWV was supplanted by the Detroit Coalition to End the War Now, which was a broader organization.

The April 17th demonstration was called by the Students for a Democratic Society and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee and drew upwards of 25,000 people in the first of a number of national anti-Vietnam War demonstrations in the nation’s capital.

SDS calls for march against Viet War – Nov. 1965

The national office of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) issues a call for a march on Washington, D.C. to be held Nov. 27, 1965 in one of the early national demonstrations against the war in Vietnam.

In this flyer, SDS begins to make a break with those calling for negotiations by stating,

“We must not deceive ourselves: a negotiated agreement cannot guarantee democracy. Only the Vietnamese have the right of nationhood to make their government democratic or not, free or not, neutral or not. It is not America’s role to deny them the chance to be what they make of themselves.”

Nearly 50,000 attended this demonstration—double the number that came the previous spring in the first major antiwar march on Washington.

Hey, Hey, LBJ; How many kids did you kill today? – circa 1967

The National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (Viet Cong) produced this small (approximately 3” x 4.5”) flyer for U.S. troops serving in Vietnam circa 1967 (The Manilla conference referred to was in Sept. 1966).

The flyer tells the truth about the chant that greeted President Lyndon Johnson and Vice-President Hubert Humphrey whenever they visited a U.S. city.

In Washington, D.C., about two-dozen members mobilized by SDS and other groups based at 3 Thomas Circle gathered on a Sunday morning early in 1968.

As the Presidential limousine and accompanying secret service cars pulled up to the National City Christian Church located across the Circle, the demonstrators began chanting, “Hey, hey LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?” while moving toward the church.

The secret service quickly hustled President Lyndon Johnson and his wife inside the church and protest ended shortly afterward.

Those who woke up early and gathered at the SDS offices in Washington that morning probably wondered what the point of it all was when the small protest was over within two minutes.

But George Reedy, Johnson’s press secretary at the time, recalled in a 1997 interview with the Los Angeles Times, “It bothered the hell out of him to see the students chanting, ‘Hey, hey LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?'”

Vets for Peace in Vietnam flyer – 1967 ca.

Veterans for Peace in Vietnam issues a flyer quoting former military leaders on the folly of the Vietnam War circa 1967.

The name was first used when 500 veterans signed a letter opposing the Vietnam War that published November 24 1965 in New York Times.

Chapters were set up across the country and the organization’s members often marched at the head of antiwar demonstrations across the country.

Mainly composed of World War II and Korean War veterans, they stood out in any march with their paper hats that read Vets for Peace in Vietnam.

The group disappeared with the end of the Vietnam war, but the name was resurrected in 1985 and the new group subsequently protested U.S. aid to the Contras in Nicaragua and later the war against Iraq, among other activities. This second group continues to exist today.

Flyer targeting draft inductees – 1967 ca.

An unsigned flyer circa 1967 urges men reporting for their induction into the U.S. Armed Forces to walk away and contact peace groups for draft counseling. It finishes by urging the men to “Seize the Time, Resist Illegitimate Authority.”

The flyer lists a. number of peace groups to contact, along with their phone numbers, including The Washington Peace Center, George Washington Draft Counseling, Washington Draft Information, the Washington Free Clinic and Montgomery County Draft Counseling.

Spring Mobilization rally at Lincoln Temple – Mar. 1967

A flyer from the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam calling for an anti-Vietnam War rally at the Lincoln Temple church March 31, 1967.

The church rally was intended to spur participation in the planned mass march in New York City on April 15th.

Several hundred thousand marched from Central Park to the United Nations on April 15thled by Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. They were joined by another 100,000 led by Coretta Scott King in San Francisco.

The mass marches April 15thwere the first large-scale demonstrations against the war.

D.C. SNCC calls for anti-draft march – May, 1967

The Washington, D.C. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee calls on black youth to protest the draft May 8, 1967 by joining a march from 14th and H Streets NE to the Rayburn Office Building.

About 100 students from different East Coast colleges marched from the Rosedale playground to the Rayburn Building where they were barred from entering the building or attending a hearing being conducted by U.S. Senator Mendel Rivers (D-S.C.) on the draft.

The crowd grew to about 200 people and about 50 were eventually let into the building where they staged a sit-in  in the lobby. They were forcibly ejected by Capitol police, but not arrested.

Flyer calls for protesting Senate draft hearings – May, 1967

A flyer published by the Washington Ad Hoc Vietnam Draft Hearings Committee calls for demonstrations at a Senate hearing on the Selective Service System scheduled for May 7-8, 1967.

The Ad Hoc Committee was composed of Students for a Democratic Society chapters at the University of Chicago, Boston University, Ratcliff-Harvard, Brooklyn College and the University of Maryland; along with ACT, D.C. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, Prince Georges Women’s Strike for Peace, Maryland Socialist League and Progressive Labor Party.

The group of about 100 demonstrators formed-up at Roosevelt playground in NE on May 8th and marched first down H Street and then 4th Street before entering the Capitol Grounds.

About half the group entered the Senate Rayburn Building only to find that the hearing was rescheduled. They demanded that a hearing be convened and that they be permitted to speak.  After back and forth with Capitol police, they were forcibly expelled from the building and the Capitol grounds, but not arrested. The crowd grew to about 200 before dispersing.

Antiwar walk with Stokely Carmichael flyer – May 1967

The Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam sponsors a rally and a march to the White House to be led by former Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) chair Stokely Carmichael May 16-17, 1967.

Carmichael spoke at Lincoln Memorial Temple on May 16thwhere he told the half black, half white crowd that he was going to “build a war resistance movement or die trying.”

He urged the crowd to make “heroes” of war resisters “and we are going to start with Mr. Muhammad Ali.”

Mobe agenda for D.C. rally – May 1967

The National Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam printed this meeting agenda passed out during a rally at the Lincoln Memorial Temple in Washington, D.C. May 16, 1967.

Speakers at the meeting included Rev. James Bevel, Dagmar Wilson, Julius Hobson, Stokely Carmichael, Cherry Grant, Oscar Harvey, Rev. William Wendt, Stan Melton, and Howard Zinn.

Vietnam Summer application – circa May 1967

An application to participate in Vietnam Summer, a temporary coalition of a number of groups in 1967, but primarily backed by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) to convince non-student Americans to oppose the war in Vietnam.

The project expanded to 48 states and was modeled after the 1964 civil rights Freedom Summer.

Two staff members paid by AFSC coordinated the national office while 26,000 volunteers worked in 700 local projects across the country. The group published a newsletter called Vietnam Summer News that reached a circulation of 65,000 during its six issue run.

The effort involved door-to-door canvassing, teach-ins, counseling on draft resistance, local antiwar demonstrations, working to get antiwar referenda on the ballot, and the dissemination of antiwar literature.

The group after the summer of 1967, although many local efforts continued.

Anti-napalm poster – circa 1967

An 8 ½ x 14 poster depiction of a Vietnamese women and her child holding what appears to be a dead child and weeping over her dead husband with the word “Napalm” emblazed across the page circa 1967.

Produced by the “Committee for the right to vote in Selma, Saigon, Santo Domingo and Washington — Revolutionary Arts Cooperative.”

No further information available on the group or the specific circumstances behind the production of the poster.

Individuals Against the Crime of Silence – circa 1967

Individuals Against the Crime of Silence was an ongoing petition to the United Nations by U.S. citizens in opposition to the Vietnam War  and invoking the Nuremberg Trials, the U.S. Constitution and the Geneva Accords as a basis for their opposition.

The petition had its origins in September 1965 when 80 leading U.S. attorneys signed a statement that the U.S. was prosecuting an illegal war in Vietnam that was read into the Congressional Record.

Subsequently, a petition drive was organized that carried the names of prominent Americans including writers James Baldwin, Ray Bradbury and Norman Mailer; Catholic Activists Phillip and Daniel Berrigan; actors Ben Gazzara, Dick Van Dyke, Robert Vaughn; pediatrician Dr. Benjamin Spock; biochemist Dr. Linus Pauling: and civil rights leader James Farmer, among others.

The petitions were widely circulated among peace groups and at antiwar demonstrations.

The petitions with prominent names were published in newspapers and magazines and signed petitions by tens of thousands of Americans were sent to the United Nations. The campaign lasted from 1966 approximately 1968.

The Americans are Coming – circa 1967

An 8 ½ x 11 version of poster art by Tomi Ungerer created circa 1967 depicting a Vietnamese version of Paul Revere’s ride that underscores the role the U.S. played in Vietnam.

The poster was widely circulated throughout the United States and became a popular symbol that America was on the wrong side in Vietnam.

Hiroshima Day anti-Vietnam War demonstration – Aug. 1967

The Washington Mobilization to End the War in Vietnam issues a flyer calling for two simultaneous marches to be held August 6, 1967 to protest the war in Vietnam and to commemorate the victims of the U.S. atom bomb dropped on Hiroshima, Japan.

One to leave 10th and U Streets NW from the black community and the other to leave Dupont Circle to march to a rally at Lafayette Park in front of the White House.

Peace March Marathon – Aug. – Oct., 1967

A 4-page. 8 ½ x 14 inch pamphlet describes a coast-to-coast “Peace Torch Marathon” where a flame originally lit in the Japanese City of Hiroshima was flown to San Francisco on August 17, 1967 where runners began carrying the torch across the country, arriving in Washington, D.C. on October 21st at a massive anti-Vietnam War rally.

The torch casing was made of U.S. munitions that had been dropped on North Vietnam. Hiroshima was one of only two cities attacked with nuclear weapons. Nagasaki was the other and both were bombed by the U.S. at the end of the second World War.

The pamphlet contains a schedule of cities that the torch will pass through. In urban areas volunteers walked one mile each before handing off the torch while in rural areas runners covered 10 miles before passing it on.

The Resistance conscription refusal flyer – Oct. 1967

A flyer from The Resistance calling on draft-eligible people to refuse to cooperate with the U.S. Selective Service System and return their draft cards at a demonstration October 16, 1967.

The call was nationwide with the largest protest in Oakland, Ca. The Washington, D.C. demonstration at the draft board headquarters at 1724 F Street NW drew about 70 people.

Ten draft cards and about 50 anti-draft cards (statements that declared a refusal to cooperate with the draft) were given to Selective Service officials.

Support the Ft. Hood 3 who refused orders to Vietnam – 1967

The Fort Hood 3 Defense Committee holds a rally at St. Stephens Church October 16, 1967 and a subsequent picket at the White House  to support three soldiers who refused orders to go to Vietnam in 1966.

The three—David Samas, 20, a Lithuanian/Italian from Chicago; James Johnson, 20 black from East Harlem, N.Y.; and Dennis Mora, 25, a Puerto Rican from Spanish Harlem, N.Y.—were given a month leave from Ft. Hood, Tx. and told to report to Vietnam. 

Instead they held a press conference announcing their refusal to report to Vietnam. The antiwar movement rallied to their defense, but they were sentenced to long prison terms and dishonorably discharged. Mora received a three year prison term while Samas and Johnson received five years.

The U.S. Supreme Court ultimately refused to hear their case which rested on the argument the the Vietnam War was illegal.

The Resistance calls for nationwide antidraft actions – 1967

The national office of The Resistance, an anti-draft group that espoused direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System, publishes a flyer advertising draft-card burning actions beginning October 10, 1967.

The Resistance established chapters across the country and coordinated successful actions of draft card burnings, turn-ins, sit-ins at draft boards, support for those refusing induction and other actions in October and December of 1967, but the national group quickly lapsed while local groups continued anti-draft actions.

Appeal to those facing induction into the military: 1967 ca.

The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and The Resistance publish a flyer handed out to draftees facing military induction outlining rights and appeals.

SNCC had morphed from a student civil rights organization into a Black liberation organization by 1967. It had always been opposed to the war in Vietnam. The Resistance was formed by four California-based anti-draft activists as a national network for direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System.

Come and Look at the Peaceniks – Aug. 1967

The Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam issues a flyer for a fundraiser at the Vogelsang home in the Takoma section of Washington, D.C. to be held August 26, 1967.

The Washington mobilization committee was the local affiliate of a national group of the same name. These were broad coalitions that included liberal, pacifist, libertarian, church groups, civil rights groups, Old Left, New Left and anarchists, among others.

It was the successor to the Spring Mobilization Committee that held meetings and demonstrations against the Vietnam War and the draft earlier in the year. The Washington Mobilization would go on to play a key role in the October 1967 March on the Pentagon and spring 1968 antidraft protests.

The Vogelsangs were an activist couple. Fred Vogelsang’s day job was director of publications for the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials while Johanna Vogelsang was an artist who often painted civil rights figures.

Washington Mobilization Committee March on Pentagon flyer – Sep. 1967 ca.

An earlier flyer for the October 21, 1967 March on the Pentagon that lists the Washington Monument grounds as the rally point (ultimately held at the Lincoln Memorial) is issued by the Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, the local affiliate of the national group of the same name that sponsored the demonstration.

The mobilization committees were broad coalitions that included liberal, pacifist, libertarian, church groups, civil rights groups, Old Left, New Left and anarchists, among others.

More than 100,000 attended the demonstration that marked a turning point in opposition to the war in Vietnam as public opinion polls showed majorities disagreeing with continued prosecution of the conflict.

Appeal for funds for the March on the Pentagon – Sep. 1967

The Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam makes an appeal for funds in order to stage the October 21, 1967 March on the Pentagon.

Appeal for housing for the March on the Pentagon – Oct. 1967

The Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam issues an appeal for the housing of demonstrators coming into the city for the October 21, 1967 march on the Pentagon.

The demonstration, in which 100,000 or more marched from the Lincoln Memorial to the Pentagon in the largest D.C. antiwar protest to date, came at a turning point in the war.

Appeal for funds for the March on the Pentagon – Oct. 1967

The Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam makes a last minute appeal for funds in order to stage the March on the Pentagon scheduled nine days later.

March on the Pentagon – Oct. 1967

The Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam publishes this two-sided mailer/flyer promoting the national march on the Pentagon to be held October 21, 1967.

It was the largest anti-Vietnam War demonstration in Washington, D.C. up until that point in time, drawing about 100,000 people, including liberals, Poet Allen Ginsburg leading an attempted levitation of the Pentagon, Progressive Labor Party charging the doors and briefly breaching them, pacifists conducting a sit-in, Yippies and others conducting a “piss-in,” along with dozens of other stripes of the peace movement.

It came during the time when Gen. William Westmoreland, who already commanded over 500,000 troops in Vietnam, requested 200,000 more. The rising antiwar movement and the stubbornness of the North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front resistance convinced President t Lyndon Johnson to refuse the request and ultimately decide not to seek re-election.

Student Mobilization flyer for March on Pentagon – Oct. 1967

A flyer put out by the Washington DC chapter of the Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam designed to build support for a march on the Pentagon October 21, 1967.

More than 100,000 attended the demonstration that marked a turning point in opposition to the war in Vietnam as public opinion polls showed majorities disagreeing with continued prosecution of the conflict.

Fact sheet for March on the Pentagon – Oct. 1967

The National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam publishes this two-sided fact sheet for the national march on the Pentagon to be held October 21, 1967 that includes a list of speakers and contingents.

The march was the largest anti-Vietnam War demonstration in Washington, D.C. up until that point in time, drawing about 100,000 people, including liberals, Poet Allen Ginsburg leading an attempted levitation of the Pentagon, Progressive Labor Party charging the doors and briefly breaching them, pacifists conducting a sit-in, Yippies and others conducting a “piss-in,” along with dozens of other stripes of the peace movement.

It came during the time when Gen. William Westmoreland, who already commanded over 500,000 troops in Vietnam, requested 200,000 more. The rising antiwar movement and the stubbornness of the North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front resistance convinced President t Lyndon Johnson to refuse the request and ultimately decide not to seek re-election.

Instructions for March on Pentagon fund collectors – Oct. 1967

The National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam publishes a two-sided instruction sheet for those volunteers collecting funds at the October 21, 1967 March on the Pentagon.

The mobilization committee was a broad coalitions that included liberal, pacifist, libertarian, church groups, civil rights groups, Old Left, New Left and anarchists, among others.

More than 100,000 attended the demonstration that marked a turning point in opposition to the war in Vietnam as public opinion polls showed majorities disagreeing with continued prosecution of the conflict.

Commemorating the Pentagon protest – Nov. 1967

A flyer advertising a poster commemorating the confrontation between antiwar protesters and the military and federal marshals at the Pentagon in October 1967 entitled “A different drummer” is produced by Image America.

The 100,000 who gathered in Washington, D.C. October 21, 1967 represented the largest anti-Vietnam War demonstration in the city up to that point in time.

Federal marshals acted with brutality against a non-violent sit-in at the Pentagon plaza while a multi-faceted crowd that included Alan Ginsburg, the Progressive Labor Party, Quakers, Students for a Democratic Society, Women’s Strike for Peace and a host of other widely-ranging groups united against the war.

Call for women to oppose Viet War – Nov. 1967

87-year-old Jeanette Rankin issues a call for women to come to Washington, D.C. January 15, 1968 at the opening session of Congress to oppose the Vietnam War.

Rankin was a former congressional representative from Montana who was the first woman elected to Congress and voted against U.S. entry into both World War I and World War II.

More than 5,000 women heeded the call and marched from Union Station and rallied on a cold, snowy day in front of the U.S. Capitol building.

Rankin served two terms in Congress, being elected in 1916 and again in 1940. The protest marked the beginning of an antiwar organization of women that named itself the Jeanette Rankin Brigade.

The Christian Resistance – Nov. 1967 ca.

The Washington Area Christian Resistance and The Resistance publish an appeal to those of draft age of the Christian faith to join with direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System in late 1967.

Draft Resisters Need Your Support – Nov. 1967

As part of the leadup to draft resisters week Dec. 4-11, 1967, Ethel and Julius Weisser sponsor a support party held on Dec. 1st for Akida Kimani, a black liberation activist facing extradition to California for draft evasion.

Archie Stewart provided music for the event. Kimani made a name for himself as an activist/leader in the Afro American Association, a black self-help group formed in 1962 in California with chapters in a number of cities and a few overseas.

Ethel and Julius Weisser were long-time activists in a wide variety of social and economic causes in the Washington, D.C. area.

Ethel Weisser was once secretary of the Washington Area Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1950s and fought a D.C. ballot initiative on mandatory minimum sentencing in the 1980s,

Ethel Weisser also served as a spokesperson for the local chapter of the Grey Panthers for more than 25 years.

Stewart was a local jazz guitarist who was performing with The New Thing group at the time and became a fixture at clubs and coffeehouses in the city during the 1970s.

The Christian Resistance – Nov. 1967 ca.

The Washington Area Christian Resistance and The Resistance publish an appeal to those of draft age of the Christian faith to join with direct action and non-cooperation with the Selective Service System in late 1967.

Stop the Draft Week – Dec. 1967

A flyer advertising a series of demonstrations in Washington, D.C. Dec. 4-9, 1967 for “Stop the Draft Week.”

The protests were part of a nationwide effort that week that resulted in demonstrations and civil disobedience in dozens of cities across the U.S.

Locally demonstrators rallied at St. Stephens Church, marched on the Selective Service headquarters and marched to the State Department. An event at the Ambassador Theater was also held.

The Washington, D.C. demonstrations were sponsored by D.C. chapter of The Resistance, a nationwide draft resistance group; the Washington Mobilization Committee Against the War in Vietnam, the umbrella group for anti-Vietnam War opposition; and the Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, a Socialist Workers Party-influenced student group.

The Washington Area Resistance Freakout – Dec. 1967

The Vietnam-era draft resistance group sponsored an event at Washington’s Ambassador Theater (formerly Knickerbocker) before holding a protest on Defense Secretary Robert McNamara’s lawn–1967.

The group staged several high profile demonstrations in support of those who refused induction into the armed services  in the Washington, D.C. area.

12 Days of Vietnam – Dec. 1967

This takeoff on the 12 Days of Christmas carol turns it into an anti-Vietnam War song. Written by Ronald J. Willis and published by Liberation News Service December 15, 1967.

What? Me Worry About the Draft? – 1968 ca.

The Washington Draft Resistance, University of Maryland College Park chapter appeals to students to seek draft counseling for alternatives  to military service.

Unorthodox flyer protests Dow’s napalm – 1968 ca.

An unsigned, unorthodox flyer advertising “one share” in a napalm-making company (Dow Chemical) during an ongoing demonstration outside the company’s offices at 15th and L Streets NW circa 1968.

The protest was designed to pressure Dow to cease providing napalm to the U.S. military and others.

The Dow demonstrations reached a dramatic peak when nine activists invaded the company’s District of Columbia offices March 22, 1969 and hurled files out of a fourth floor window, poured blood on remaining files and smashed furniture.

The nine (mostly religious activists) waited in the offices for arrest. They were convicted and sentenced to between three months and six years in prison. Their attorney, Phillip Hirschkop was cited for contempt.

Seven of the nine defendants appealed and had their convictions reversed based on the judge’s refusal to allow them to represent themselves. Hirschkop was cleared of contempt charges in a separate appeal.

Don Luce to speak at Montgomery Blair H.S. – Jan. 1968

A flyer for a January 7, 1968 talk by Donald S. Luce, a former International Volunteer Service worker in Vietnam, at Montgomery Blair High School.

Luce turned against the war while serving in Vietnam and worked afterward to educate the American public that the U.S. could not win the Vietnam War.

Graham Martin, the ambassador during those final days before Saigon fell in 1975, testified on Jan. 27, 1976. He assured Congress that the collapse of the South Vietnamese government had nothing to do with the policies of Saigon or Washington but was caused “by one of the best propaganda and pressure organizations the world has ever seen,” largely organized by the Indochina Resource Center and “the multi-faceted activities of Mr. Don Luce.”

Resistance issues Boston 5 protest flyer – Jan. 1968

The Washington Area Resistance issues a flyer for a January 12, 1968 demonstration at the Justice Department against the indictment of five prominent Vietnam War opponents a week before.

The Boston Five, as they were known, were Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr, chaplain of Yale University; Dr. Benjamin Spock, pediatrician, Marcus Raskin, a former White House aide; Michael Ferber, a Harvard University graduate student and Mitchell Goodman, author. They were accused of “conspiracy to counsel aid and abet” selective service resistance.

News accounts put the number of demonstrators at between 100-150 who denounced both war and racism.

The protesters later marched on Western High School where they engaged in draft counseling as students left classes for the day around 2:30 p.m.

Call for anti-draft actions – Jan. 1968

An unsigned flyer, probably put out by The Resistance, calls for a demonstration at the U.S. Justice Department in Washington, D.C. in protest of the indictments of Dr. Benjamin Spock, Marcus Raskin, Mitchel Goodman and Michael Ferber for “conspiracy to counsel aid and abet” draft resistance.

The flyer also called for participants to go to Western High School (now Duke Ellington) to counsel high school students on the draft.

D.C. Draft Resistance Union formed – early 1968

An undated appeal for funds from the recently formed Washington Draft Resistance Union was issued in early 1968.

The group pulled together The Resistance, Students for a Democratic Society, independent campus groups and draft counselors to build resistance to the Selective Service system that was providing the soldiers for the Vietnam War.

It was initially headed by Cathy Wilkerson, the regional SDS coordinator based in Washington, D.C.  Wilkerson would go on to play a prominent role in the Weather Underground that carried out a series of symbolic bombings on government, corporate and other symbols of capitalism 1971-75.

Draft Law and Its Choices – Mar. 1968

The Washington Area Resist (formerly Resistance) issues a flyer for a conference to train draft counselors on selective service law in March 1968 at St. Stephens Church at 16th and Newton Streets. NW.

W.A.R. led direct action such as induction refusals and draft card turn-ins in the area 1967-68 during the Vietnam War.

Draft Prince Georges draft counselor flyer -1968

A draft of a flyer for draft counselors Robert and Eleana Simpson targeted toward working class youth in Prince George’s County, Md circa 1968..

The two counseled young people on draft law and options from 1968-69 during part of the peak period of the Vietnam War.

Hang up on War flyer – 1968

The War Resisters League publishes a two-sided 8 ½ x 11 flyer urging Vietnam War opponents to deduct the federal tax when paying their phone bill and only pay the amount owed the phone company.

The 1966 tax was passed to help finance the Vietnam War and remained a target of resisters throughout the war years.

U.S. Committee to Aid the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam flyer – 1968

The U.S. Committee to Aid the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam publishes an appeal in 1968 upholding the “just struggle” of the Vietnamese people and denouncing U.S. “imperialist foreign policy.”

The Committee was formed in April 1965 and became probably the first group to carry the NLF (often called Viet Cong) flag in antiwar demonstrations beginning in November 1965.

The flyer ends with an appeal:

“We would like to help you and your organization learn more about the Vietnamese and their struggle. Once you understand, we hope you will express your solidarity by urging others to do the same. Help us dispel the false notion of the Vietnamese as our ‘enemy’ and show that the true enemy of the Vietnamese is our enemy too.”

Mobe outlines anti-election activities – Oct. 1968

The Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam publishes a calendar of events for the fall of 1968 and stated, “It’s purpose is to illegitamize the presidential election which offers no opportunity to vote for peace.”

The handout also contained the personal accounts from three people who attended the August 1968 demonstrations at the Chicago Democratic Convention and subsequent police riot.

Early call for Vietnam Moratorium – May, 1969 ca.

The Vietnam Moratorium Committee, formed by liberal Democratic Party activists, issues an early explanation and call circa May 1969 for fall work stoppages and demonstrations against the war in Vietnam.

The circular also provides an outline for local groups to organize and carry out actions as part of the nationwide strategy of conducting protests in towns and cities across the U.S.

This version also contains a reprint of a September 1969 New Republic article, indicating that this particular document was passed out in the fall of 1969 shortly prior to the first Moratorium on October 15, 1969.

The October 1969 Moratorium was largest and most widespread demonstration against the war involving upwards of two million people at large and small demonstrations across the country in October. A November Moratorium drew upwards of 500,000 to a Washington, D.C. march. The latter Vietnam War protest was rivaled in size during that era only by an April 1971 march on Washington against the War.

Call for U.S. withdrawal after Viet commander reassigned – Jun. 1968

The Washington Peace Mobilization Committee publishes a flyer continuing criticism of the Vietnam War and urging an immediate withdrawal of troops following President Lyndon Johnson’s reassignment of U.S. commander General William Westmoreland in June 1968.

The Mobilization Committee was the local umbrella committee for groups opposed to the Vietnam War and also called for people to join their efforts.

On the back side of the flyer is a re-print of a letter from a GI to his father recounting the atrocities committed by U.S. troops and calling into question whether the U.S. is fighting on the right “side” in the war.

Hiroshima Day peace rally – Aug. 1968

A flyer by the Washington Mobilization for Peace, Women’s Strike for Peace, Washington Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE), and the Washington Peace Center sponsor a Hiroshima Day (the day the first atomic bomb was dropped on Japan in 1945) rally in Lafayette Park August 10, 1968.

The flyer calls for 1) an end to all bombing 2) peace talks with the south Vietnamese National Liberation Front, 3) U.S. troop withdrawal.

D.C. call to demonstrate at the Democratic Convention – 1968

The Washington Mobilization for Peace calls on opponents of the Vietnam War to travel to Chicago for the August 1968 Democratic Convention saying,

“Our purpose is not to disrupt the convention but to demonstrate on behalf of central issues:

*Immediate withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam

*An end to the oppression of black and poor people at home”

The demonstrators were denied permits by Chicago Mayor Richard Daley and the 10,000 protesters often clashed with the 23,000 police and National Guardsmen in front of television cameras.

Prince George’s McCarthy chair writes support letter for candidate – Sep. 1968

Elbert Byrd, chair of Citizens for McCarthy of Prince George’s County writes a last minute letter in late August or early September to support the congressional campaign of Melvyn Meer in Maryland’s 5th District.

Eugene McCarthy’s campaign for president in the 1968 Democratic primaries on an anti-Vietnam War platform was a factor in President Lyndon Johnson’s decision to decline to seek re-election. McCarthy inspired grass-roots antiwar activists around the country to campaign on his behalf.

Meer was an assistant professor of economics at the University of Maryland and a founder of McCarthy’s campaign effort in the Prince Georges. He was a one-time co-chair of the McCarthy group in the county and running as an antiwar candidate.

Incumbent Rep. Harry G. Machen faced a competitive race in the 5th District from former Rep. Carlton Sickles and Maryland state senator Fred Wineland.

However Meer could crack the top tier and ended up finishing last in the six-way race.

A flyer protesting HUAC hearings in D.C. – 1968

A September 1968 flyer advertising protests at the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) hearings in Washington, D.C. into the clashes at the 1968 Democratic Convention.

The flyer is unsigned, but lists the alternative newspaper Washington Free Press as a contact on the reverse side. At the hearing, prominent Yippie Abbie Hoffman was arrested for wearing an American flag shirt while his compatriot Jerry Rubin was hustled out of the hearing when he showed up bare-chested with an ammunition bandolier and a toy M-16 rifle [see Rubin and Hoffman]. Rubin and other Yippies tried to stand in silent protest of the “unfair treatment” they received at the hands of the committee.

A National Call: Free the Catonsville Nine – Oct. 1968

The flyer calls for a national demonstration to be held coincidi9ng with the trial of the Catonsville Nine—Catholic and peace activists who took draft records of about 800 young men outside the selective service office and set them afire with homemade napalm on May 17, 1968.

The nine waited at the scene to be arrested in what was the second “hit and stay” action of non-violent direct action resistance to the draft and the Vietnam War.

Thousands showed up to support the nine, but they were all convicted and sentenced to three years in prison.

Call for a student strike against the election – Nov. 1968

An unsigned flyer probably issued by someone in the Washington, D.C. Regional Office of the Students for Democratic Society (SDS) calls for a student strike and demonstrations coinciding with the national presidential election in 1968.

The strike call was issued to protest the three candidates—Democrat Hubert Humphrey, Republican Richard Nixon and American Independent George Wallace—and to demonstrate firm opposition to continued involvement in Vietnam.

Humphrey and Nixon favored continuing the war until a so-called honorable peace could be attained while Wallace favored continuing the war until outright victory.

The Washington, D.C. actions were part of a nationwide call for a student strike. The strike failed and attendance at the antiwar demonstrations held across the country was poor.

A little over two months later, the antiwar movement was reinvigorated with the counter-inaugural demonstrations held simultaneously with the victorious Nixon-Agnew ticket’s official installation in office.

UMD SDS calls for student strike against Viet War and election – Nov. 1968

The University of Maryland College Park Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) calls for a student strike and demonstrations coinciding with the national presidential election in 1968.

The strike was intended to protest the Vietnam War and the choices of candidates in the election.

The Maryland SDS action was part of a nationwide call for a student strike. The strike failed and attendance at the antiwar demonstrations held across the country was poor. However, a year-and-a-half later, students at 500 campuses across the country including the University of Maryland went on strike after President Richard Nixon announced the invasion of Cambodia and the shooting deaths of four students at Kent State University.

Flyer calls for demonstration at Nixon Inaugural – Dec. 1968

In December 1968, the Washington Mobilization for Peace issues a call for demonstrations against the war in Vietnam the weekend of President Richard Nixon’s first inauguration in January 1969.

The call for protest at the Inauguration represented an attempt to re-group the antiwar movement and a move toward more widespread confrontation politics.

Call to demonstrate at Nixon’s Inauguration – Jan. 1969

The National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam issues a call to demonstrate at the Inauguration of Richard Nixon as President in January 1969.

The 15,000 that assembled held a counter-inaugural march that went the reverse of the official route the day before Nixon’s festivities. Protesters threw horse manure at Vice President-elect Spiro Agnew’s guests dressed in their evening finery. A pig named Ms. Pigasus, who was to be In-Hog-Urated, escaped on the Monument grounds.

A counter-inaugural ball was held in a circus tent near the Washington Monument grounds and thousands lined Nixon’s official parade route greeting him with boos, some of whom threw rocks, bottles, tomatoes and other debris at his limousine as it passed. 

Afterwards hundreds battled police into the night and what had been a despondent antiwar movement with Nixon’s election was reinvigorated. 

Agnew reception protest flyer – Jan. 1969

An unsigned flyer advertises a protest against vice-president elect Spiro Agnew January 19, 1969.

The protesters staged a counter-inaugural parade and were headed toward a counter inaugural ball to be held in a large tent near the Washington Monument when they stopped to gather on the Mall side of the Smithsonian to protest the Agnew reception. As Agnew’s guests arrived in their finery, protesters picked up horse manure from U.S. Park Police horses and hurled it at the reception guests as they made their way down a long red carpet toward the Museum.

Police responded with a furious attempt to drive back the protesters, who in turn fought back against the police. This unscheduled protest was over within 30 minutes.

The following day protesters lined President Richard Nixon’s Inaugural parade route and threw rocks, vegetables, several smoke bombs and wads of paper at his limousine as it passed, later clashing with police.

Call to attend the ‘Inhoguration’ – Jan. 1969

This poster urges people to attend President Richard M. Nixon’s first inauguration January 20, 1969.

The poster portrays Nixon as a king wearing an ITT (International Telephone & Telegraph) crown and is sponsored by the Yippies, Americong, People’s Pot Party, the Weather Underground, among other groups.

Monday’s the Day, Will You be There? – Jan. 1969

A flyer issued by the Coalition for an Anti-Imperialist Movement calls on people to protest Richard Nixon’s Inauguration as U.S. president on Monday, January 20, 1969.

It also calls for solidarity with the Federation of All Japanese Students (probably the Federation of All Japan Students Self Governing Societies—an umbrella group for student governments in Japan) protest against emissaries from Japan attending the Inauguration.

Several points along Nixon’s Inaugural parade route were jammed with protesters—most being along Pennsylvania Avenue between 12th and 15th Streets NW. When the Nixon motorcade proceeded past this point, he was greeted with a barrage of rocks, vegetables and catcalls by anti-Vietnam War demonstrators.

The Coalition for an Anti-Imperialist Movement was composed of Walter Teague’s U.S. Committee to Aid the National Liberation Front (the first group to openly carry NLF flags (Viet Cong) in antiwar demonstrations and Youth Against War and Fascism (the youth group of Workers World Party, a split off of the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party and known for its banners and street confrontations).

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Support the D.C. Nine – May 1969

An unsigned flyer advertises and teach-in and rally May 27, 1969 at Georgetown University to support the D.C. Nine who were charged with breaking in and destroying records in the Dow Chemical office in Washington, D.C. March 22, 1969.

The nine protesters smashed glass, hurled files out a fourth floor window and poured blood on the remaining files and furniture at the Dow Chemical offices at 15th & L Streets NW Washington, DC and awaited police to arrive for their arrest.

In a prepared statement, the nine noted that Dow seeks “profit in the production of napalm, defoliants and nerve gas.”

On May 7, 1970, the nine were sentenced to terms ranging from three months to six years in jail. Their lawyer, Phillip J. Hirschkop was censured and sentenced to 30 days in jail for his trial conduct.

Seven of the nine appealed and won a reversal of their convictions at the U.S Court of Appeals in June 1972 that ruled that Judge John H. Pratt had erred when he denied the defendants the right to represent themselves. Hirschkop was cleared of contempt in a separate ruling in July 1972.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Nixon Inauguration handout explains anti-Viet protest – Jan. 1969

An unsigned handout to people attending President Richard Nixon’s first inauguration January 20, 1969.

The handout critiques Nixon’s slogan of “forward together” as only for the wealthy and the sentiment “Give Nixon a chance”  as “give Nixon a chance to kill more young men senselessly.”

Fact sheet on antiwar seaman Roger Priest – Jul. 1969 ca.

A 1969 fact sheet on the case of Roger Priest, a Navy seaman who worked at the Pentagon charged with a variety of offenses for his publication of an anti-Vietnam War newsletter called OM. The flyer is uncredited.

OM had a print run of 1000 and featured anti-Vietnam War articles and information as well as acting as a “gripe” forum for armed service members.

The court martial at the Washington Navy Yard included charges of soliciting fellow soldiers to desert, urging insubordination and making statements disloyal to the United States.

He was convicted of minor charges and received a reprimand, reduction in rank and a bad conduct discharge for promoting disloyalty. Upon appeal the charges were voided and he was given an honorable discharge.

‘Who says the war is ENDING?’ – Aug. 1969

A one-sided flyer printed to be used as a mailer calls for non-violent protest at the U.S. Capitol and Pentagon August 13-14, 1969. The protest was sponsored by the Quaker Action Group and the Catholic Peace Fellowship.

The flyer is headlined “Who says the war s ENDING? MURDERED each week: Americans – 250 Vietnamese – 20000.”

Several hundred people participated in the demonstrations and 36 were arrested while conducting a Roman Catholic mass for Vietnam War dead inside the Pentagon in the shopping area.

Two draft cards were also left at the office of Defense Secretary Melvin Laird. The protests were part of a series of antiwar actions in the District of Columbia sponsored by the Quacker Action group over the summer of 1969.

Viet students urge end to U.S. involvement Sept. 1969

Two letters from South Vietnamese students dated in 1967 and 1969 encourage U.S. students to continue and intensify their opposition to U.S,. involvement in Vietnam.

The first letter, marked pages 3-4, is dated April 3, 1967 and is sent by the Union of Vietnamese Students in France and signed by three of its officers.

The second letter is dated September 16, 1969 and is from Le Van Nghia, a 24-year-old student at the Faculty of Letters, Saigon University and editor of the school newspaper.

A cover letter dated September 1969 explains the two letters and urges college student newspaper editors to print the two letters that were obtained by the American Friends Service Committee.

Vietnam Moratorium Committee call & strategy: 1969

An anti-Vietnam War call to action and a description of strategy is issued by the national Vietnam Moratorium Committee in September 1969.

The call to action had been endorsed by upwards of 300 college newspaper editors and student body presidents at that point.

The Moratorium was a national, locally-based strike of work and school-based activities on October 15, 1969 with accompanying local demonstrations and a two day strike November 14-15, 1969 with national demonstrations in Washington, D.C. and San Francisco, Calif.

The strategy described an intense effort of community organizing following local October 15th activities to build for massive protests in November.

The goal was to spur U.S. President Richard Nixon to commit to full withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Vietnam.

Viet War cause of U.S. misery – 1969 ca.

A flyer geared toward the general public published by the Vietnam Moratorium Committee, probably in late 1969 or early 1970, makes the case that the Vietnam War is the cause of hardships in the United States.

The Moratorium Committee sponsored some of the largest antiwar demonstrations of the Vietnam era.

The moratorium held October 15, 1969 was a soft approach to a nationwide strike against the war in Vietnam and involved upwards of two million people across the U.S. The Vietnam Moratorium Committee was led by liberal Democratic Party activists and pacifists opposed to the war.

Locally, events were held at campuses and churches across the greater Washington, D.C. area during the day and were capped by the march led by Coretta Scott King. A crowd estimated at 15-20,000 participated in the Washington, D.C. demonstration.

A second moratorium was held the following month where upwards of 500,000 staged a massive march on Washington, D.C. while another 250,000 marched in San Francisco demanding an end to the war in Vietnam.

The Moratorium Committee continued to function until April 1968 when it made an untimely decision to disband shortly before President Richard Nixon announced an expansion of the war into Cambodia—sparking a nationwide student strike and some of the most violent protests against the war.

Coretta Scott King to lead D.C. Vietnam Moratorium – Oct. 1969

The D.C. actions of the first Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam October 15, 1969, featuring Coretta Scott King, are advertised in this leaflet. King held a candle and led a night march from the Washington Monument grounds to the White House. A crowd estimated at 15-20,000 participated in the Washington, D.C. demonstration.

The moratorium was a soft approach to a nationwide strike against the war in Vietnam and involved upwards of two million people across the U.S. A second moratorium was held a month later.

Coolidge student march against the war flyer – Oct. 1969

A flyer advertises a demonstration held during the Vietnam Moratorium by black students at Coolidge High School in Washington, D.C. October 15, 1969.

Over 100 students from Coolidge High School sought to enter the White House grounds with a black pinewood coffin containing letters from students asking President Nixon to end the war.

Refused entry by White House guards, the students pressed forward anyway. Park and metropolitan police bolstered the guards and arrested three students and one passerby. 500 bystanders gathered around the confrontation angrily shouting at police to let the arrested students go.

Professionals for Peace Moratorium flyer – Oct. 1969

A flyer for a rally during the October 15, 1969 Vietnam Moratorium sponsored by Professionals for Peace and endorsed by Business Executives Move for Vietnam Peace.

The rally drew upwards of 2,000 professionals and office workers in business attire to Farragut Square in Washington, D.C. to hear former Alaska Sen. Ernest Gruening tell the crowd that, “There is no reason whatever for Congress to vote to continue this madness.”

A New Chance for Christians to Act on Oct. 15 – 1969

An unsigned flyer urges Washington, D.C. area Christians to participate in the October 15, 1969 Moratorium against the Vietnam War.

The D.C. actions of the first Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam featured Coretta Scott King, are advertised in this leaflet.

King held a candle and led a night march from the Washington Monument grounds to the White House. A crowd estimated at 15-20,000 participated in the Washington, D.C. demonstration.

New Mobilization Committee Moratorium flyer – Nov. 1969

A flyer from the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, a nationwide broad coalition of anti-Viet War groups, calling for immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops and a mass demonstration to be held in the nation’s capital November 15, 1969.

Demands were also made under three broad categories of “Stop the War,” “Stop the War Machine,” and “Stop the Death Machine and included self-determination for black America, an end to racism and poverty, free speech for GIs, self-government for the District of Columbia, the freeing of political prisoners and an end to the draft.

A feature of the demonstration was a two-day procession preceding the main march where individuals paraded single-file from Arlington National Cemetery, past the White House where each individual stopped and called out the name of a slain U.S. soldier, and then continued on to the U.S. Capitol.

A two-day nationwide work stoppage was called for Nov. 14-15 by the Vietnam Moratorium Committee. A previous Moratorium in October had an estimated two million people participate across the country.

Upwards of 500,000 attended the Nov. 15th march—the largest of the Vietnam War era up to that point in time.

Call for immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops – Nov. 1969

A flyer from the Washington, D.C. chapter of the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam calling for immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops and a mass demonstration to be held in the nation’s capital November 15, 1969.

A host of other demands were also made, including self-determination for black America, an end to racism and poverty, free speech for GIs, self-government for the District of Columbia, the freeing of political prisoners and an end to the draft.

A feature of the demonstration was a two-day procession preceding the main march where individuals paraded single-file from Arlington National Cemetery, past the White House where each individual stopped and called out the name of a slain U.S. soldier, and then continued on to the U.S. Capitol.

A two-day nationwide work stoppage was called for Nov. 14-15 by the Vietnam Moratorium Committee. A previous Moratorium in October had an estimated two million people participate across the country.

Upwards of 500,000 attended the Nov. 15th march—the largest of the Vietnam War era up to that point in time.

Student strike Nov. 14; March on Washington Nov. 15 – 1969

The Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam issues a call for a student strike on November 141969, coinciding with the Second Moratorium, and to attend the November 15th demonstration in Washington, D.C.

The call for a student strike in 1969 largely fizzled as it had in 1968, but the following year 500 campuses went on strike following President Richard Nixon’s expansion of the war into Cambodia.

Upwards of 500,000 attended the November 15th march on Washington.

Viet protesters call for D.C. self-government – Nov. 1969

The Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee issues a call to support the second Moratorium Nov. 13-15 1969 and a march on Washington in protest of the Vietnam War.

The Peace Parade Committee had earlier sponsored some of the largest demonstrations against the war in New York City.

The flyer contains the specific demands of the march that included “self-government for Washington, D.C.”

The Nov. 15 march in Washington was perhaps the largest of the Vietnam War rivalled only by an April 24, 1971 march also in D.C.

Workshop for marshals at Vietnam Moratorium – Nov. 1969

The Vietnam Moratorium Committee gave this document to volunteer parade marshals at a training session for the Moratorium November 13-15, 1969.

It contains general guidelines for marshals, legal rights and medical information.

This was the second moratorium in 1969. The first in October involved upwards of two million people in a nationwide strike with local rallies.

The second also called for a nationwide strike, but held a solemn march from Arlington Cemetery to the U.S. Capitol Nov. 13-14 where each marcher carried a single candle representing those killed in Vietnam. On November 15th, a mass march was held from the Capitol to the Washington Monument grounds involving upwards of a half million people.

March on the South Vietnamese embassy – Nov. 1969

The front side of an anonymous flyer calling for a march on the South Vietnamese Embassy November 14, 1969.

The event occurred the day before the massive 2nd moratorium march on Washington and was called to support the rebels in South Vietnam that the US government was fighting.

An epic clash between 15-20,000 protesters and police broke out when the unauthorized march was attempted and police moved to halt it.

Residents, hotel guests and workers in the area were all swept up into the battle that featured rocks and bottles by the protesters and clubs, tear gas and guns by the police.

Stop the Trial – Nov. 1969

A flyer from the Youth International Party (Yippies) advertises a “Stop the Trial” demonstration at the U.S. “Injustice Department” in Washington, D.C. against the trial of the Chicago 8 after the main Moratorium anti-Vietnam War mass march November 15, 1969.

The flyer specifically notes Bobby Seale, Black Panther leader and one of the Chicago 8 defendants—those charged with conspiracy to foment violence at the Democratic Convention in Chicago the previous August.

The rally following the march advertised by the Yippies erupted into street fighting with police by the 10,000 or more people who attended after a barrage of rocks broke windows at the Justice Department and struck police officers.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

No Draft – Dec. 1969 ca.

The D.C. Moratorium, the local arm of the Vietnam Moratorium Committee that organized the October and November 1969 Moratoriums that involved millions of Americans in activities against the Vietnam War, publishes a flyer calling for an end to the draft and outlining the reasons for doing so.

The Washington Area Military and Draft Law Panel – 1970 ca.

The Washington Area Military and Draft Law Panel publishes a brochure describing its mission and services focusing on low-income and/or black potential draftees into the military and current service members serving.

The group of approximately 40 attorneys in the D.C. area provided draft counseling and legal assistance to active duty personnel.

The WAMADLP was initiated by the National Lawyers Guild.

Moratorium benefit concert – Jan. 1970

The National-International Arts and Letters Committee for the Moratorium sponsors a Moratorium Concert on Peace and Reconciliation at Constitution Hall in Washington, D.C. January 4, 1970.

The event featured actors Bill Cosby and Robert Culp as masters of ceremony and featured Dave Brubeck, McHenry Boatwright, Ossie Davis & Ruby Dee, The Cross-Over-Group, Lorin Hollander, Silvia Delvilar and Odetta.

The concert was one of a number held in different cities following the anti-Vietnam War Moratoriums of October and November 1969.

Fuck the Draft film festival – Jan. 1970

A “Fuck the Draft” film festival is sponsored by the Washington Peace Center in January 1970 as a fundraiser to support draft counseling for young men eligible to be inducted into the U.S. armed services.

The films scheduled were Seasons Change, Army Film, People’s Park, Bobby Seale, The Brig, Up against the Wall Miss America, High School Rising, San Francisco State and October 15th and were scheduled over two days.

Come to the trial of the D.C. Nine – Feb. 1970

An 11 x 17 inch poster published by the D.C. Nine Defense Committee calls on people to attend the 1970 trial of the largely Catholic “hit and stay” activists who destroyed files of the Dow Chemical Company in Washington, D.C in 1969 in protest of the company’s manufacture of napalm and the Vietnam War.

The poem on the poster, written by David Darst, reads, “I’ll steal the whole world, pump it full of sunshine and send it sailing.”

The nine protesters smashed glass, hurled files out a fourth floor window and poured blood on the remaining files and furniture were led  out of the Dow Chemical offices at 15th & L Streets NW Washington, DC by police March 22, 1969.

On May 7, 1970, the nine were sentenced to terms ranging from three months to six years in jail. Their lawyer, Phillip J. Hirschkop was censured and sentenced to 30 days in jail for his trial conduct.

Seven of the nine appealed and won a reversal of their convictions at the U.S Court of Appeals in June 1972 that ruled that Judge John H. Pratt had erred when he denied the defendants the right to represent themselves. Hirschkop was cleared of contempt in a separate ruling in July 1972.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Lenten-Passover Fast Action Project – Feb. 1970

A 75-day vigil in front of the White House against the War in Vietnam is sponsored by the Lenten-Passover Fast Action Project Feb. 11 – April 27, 1970.

The Project came about when the organization Clergy and Laity Concerned about Vietnam and the group the Fellowship of Reconciliation joined to sponsor a seventy-five day “Lenten Passover Fast Action Project” to maintain public focus on the Vietnam War protest movement. 

The Project organized daily fasts in homes and cities and also in front of the White House from Ash Wednesday through Passover in 1970.

D.C. Moratorium calls for antiwar petition rally – 1970

The D.C. Vietnam Moratorium Committee, the local branch of the national organization of the same name, publishes a 4-page letter calling for a February 15, 1970 demonstration in front of the White House to turn over to President Richard Nixon one million petition signatures and post cards calling for an end to the Vietnam War.

The Washington Post estimated 400 people attended the protest where they heard former Sen Ernest Gruening (D.-Alaska), David Hawk of the national Vietnam Moratorium Committee and Dick Davis, brother of Chicago 8/7 conspiracy defendant Rennie Davis call for an immediate end to the Vietnam War and an end to political repression.

The protesters left 37 cartons at the White House west gate containing an estimated 420,000 signatures calling for an end to the war.

The Vietnam Moratorium Committee was the organization that sponsored perhaps the largest anti-Vietnam War demonstrations in the October and November 1969 Moratoriums (or strike) against the war that involved upwards of two million people.

The Day After (TDA) Watergate protest flyer – 1970

A flyer advertises for a The Day After demonstration to protest the pending verdicts of the Chicago 8—defendants charged with fomenting disturbances at the 1968 Democratic Convention by their speech.

The 600-1000 demonstrators who gathered would later march on the Watergate home of Attorney General John Mitchell (People’s Tour of the Watergate) where they clashed with police in some of the bitterest street fighting in D.C. of the anti-Vietnam War period.

Fighting broke out between police who used batons and tear gas and protesters who used rocks, bottles and sticks. 145 people were arrested during the hours-long confrontation that followed the initial halt of the march. The 145 were later awarded damages after a lawsuit.

The demonstration was organized weeks in advance with leaflets advertising “The Day After (TDA)” the verdict with a time and place to gather.  The TDA was used multiple times over the next few years as a way to spread the word about an action in the pre-internet era.

This flyer should be viewed in conjunction with a related flyer below.

A flyer containing a map called a “Tour Guide” for the Watergate The Day After demonstration  – Feb. 1970

A “tour guide” map of a planned demonstration to follow the verdict in the Chicago 7 (formerly Chicago 8) trial produced in February 1970. The creators are not known.

The defendants were charged with fomenting disturbances at the 1968 Democratic Convention.

The 600-1000 demonstrators who gathered would later march on the Watergate home of Attorney General John Mitchell (People’s Tour of the Watergate) where they clashed with police in some of the bitterest street fighting in D.C. of the anti-Vietnam War period.

Fighting broke out between police who used batons and tear gas and protesters who used rocks, bottles and sticks. 145 people were arrested during the hours-long confrontation that followed the initial halt of the march. The 145 were later awarded damages after a lawsuit. The demonstration was organized weeks in advance with leaflets advertising “The Day After (TDA)” the verdict with a time and place to gather.  The TDA was used multiple times over the next few years as a way to spread the word about an action in the pre-internet era.

This flyer should be viewed in conjunction with a related flyer above.

‘All We are Saying’ film showing – Feb. 1970

A flyer advertises the showing of a film of the November 13-15, 1969 Moratorium anti-Vietnam War demonstrations in Washington, D.C. along with a film of the first Freedom Seder held in April 1969.

The event was sponsored by the Lenten-Passover Fast Action Project at the Friends Meeting House at 2111 Florida Ave. NW February 21, 1970.

The Project came about when the organization Clergy and Layity Concerned about Vietnam and the group the Fellowship of Reconciliation joined to sponsor a seventy-five day “Lenten Passover Fast Action Project” to maintain public focus on the Vietnam War protest movement.  The Project organized daily fasts in homes and cities and also in front of the White House from Ash Wednesday through Passover in 1970.

Rally and march to national selective service – Mar. 1970

A flyer advertising a rally and march to the national selective service headquarters March 19, 1970 sponsored by various peace groups.

Upwards of five hundred people rallied outside the Selective Service System headquarters at 1724 F Street NW, Washington, DC in opposition to the draft and the Vietnam War.

Several people burned draft cards—a felony—in protest and a coffin filled with draft cards was also delivered to the office.

The groups listed on the flyer are DC Moratorium (local affiliate of the Moratorium Committee), Student Mobe (Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam), Wash. Mobe (Washington Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam), WILPF (Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom), WSP (Women’s Strike for Peace), and Conspiracy ( a local group opposing the trial of the Chicago 8/7 for riot at the 1968 Democratic Convention).

Demonstrate to End the Draft – Mar. 1970

The Student Mobilization Committee publishes a flyer as a co-sponsor of anti-draft actions taking place the week of March 15-19, 1970.

Upwards of 500 people rallied March 19th at the Sylvan Theater and at the national draft board of F Street NW. Several people burned draft cards and a coffin filled with draft cards was left at the door.

Other organizations sponsoring the protest included the Vietnam Moratorium Committee in one of their last acts before the group was dissolved, Episcopal Peace Fellowship, New Mobilization Committee, Young Socialist Alliance, D.C. Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, Washington Peace Center, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and Women’s Strike for Peace.

The Student Mobilization Committee began as the student arm of the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, but became a separate organization where the Socialist Workers Party, the dominate Trotskyist organization at the time, and it’s youth arm the Young Socialist Alliance had considerable influence.

Early ‘March for Victory’ flyer – 1970

An early version of a flyer for fundamentalist Christian preacher Rev. Carl McIntire’s “March for Victory” that was ultimately held in Washington, D.C. April 4, 1970 protesting President Richard Nixon’s “no win” policy in Indochina.

March organizers claimed 50,000 but news organizations generously estimated 10-15,000 people took part in a protest against President Richard Nixon’s “no win” policy in Vietnam.

The march was sponsored by right-wing Christian preacher Rev. Carl McIntire. Who described himself as a fundamentalist equated Christianity with anti-communism.  McIntire favored “peace through victory” in Vietnam and a return of prayer to the schools.

U.S. Committee to Aid the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam – Support People’s War in South East Asia!

The U.S. Committee to Aid the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam publishes an appeal in 1970 to “stop the pig war machine anyway you know how,” and urging “direct support to our sisters and brothers in South Viet Nam.”

The Committee was formed in April 1965 and became probably the first group to carry the NLF (often called Viet Cong) flag in antiwar demonstrations beginning in November 1965.

By the time of the signing of the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973, the flag was commonplace at demonstrations. It was probably the only time since the Civil War that the flag of an opponent that the U.S. was engaging in armed conflict with was carried openly and supported by a significant minority of the U.S.

The flyer calls on people to “Support people’s war in Southeast Asia” and ends with an appeal for groups to send messages of solidarity or actions in support of the National Liberation Front to the NLF office in Paris or the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam. It ends with a call for “any direct action, from word to deed, that will help stop the U.S. military killing and suppressing in South East Asia.”

The words used in the flyer mark a change to a more militant stance from the group’s flyers in earlier years, coinciding with a more militant antiwar movement that increasing employs direct action against the Vietnam War.

Call for Montgomery County students to protest Kent State killings – May 1970

An unsigned call for Montgomery County, Md. students to rally at Springbrook High School May 8, 1970 to protest the killing of four students at Kent State University during an anti-Vietnam War demonstration.

The flyer also calls upon students to attend a memorial service in New York City and to also participate in a University of Maryland rally along with canvassing, picketing and leafleting.

The Kent State shootings, also known as the May 4 massacre and the Kent State massacre, were the killings of four and wounding of nine other unarmed Kent State University students by the Ohio National Guard on May 4, 1970 in Kent, Ohio, 40 miles south of Cleveland.

New Mobe seeks parade marshals – May 1970

The New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam  (New Mobe) issues a hasty call for marshals for a demonstration scheduled for May 9, 1970 that they only had a week to plan.

After President Richard Nixon announced on national television April 30, 1970 that he had expanded the Vietnam War into Cambodia, students responded with a nationwide student strike and the Ohio National Guard shot to death four students at Kent State University on May 4th.

The recruitment flyer empathizes with those who favor direct action, but urge a peaceful march to keep all elements of the coalition on one page.  The march went off without incident although a confrontation occurred later with protesters who sought to cool off in the Reflecting Pool and still later at a Joe Cocker concert at George Washington University.

Martial law order by National Guard at UMD – May 1970

A photograph of a May 15, 1970 order by Maryland National Guard commander Major Gen. Edwin Warfield III imposing a curfew at the University of Maryland College Park, banning the sale and possession of gasoline and banning gatherings on campus of more than 100 people.

It marked the second time the National Guard occupied the campus during the 1970 student strike against the U.S. expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the killings of students at Kent State University.

When the Guard arrived on campus the evening of May 14th, the most bitter and prolonged fighting between students and police and National Guard occurred.

Shortly after this order, 25 students were banned from campus by Warfield at the request of university officials.

Students repeatedly defied the National Guard order and held rallies and marches of several thousand on May 18th, 20thand 22nd.

The National Guard would occupy the campus again during anti-Vietnam War protests in 1971 and 1972.

Quaker Action Group seeks to spread the strike – May 1970

The Quaker Action Group calls upon Washington, D.C. area anti-Vietnam War activists to spread the student strike that began May 1, 1970 after President Richard Nixon’s invasion of Cambodia.

The flyer sets forth a series of protests and demonstrations beginning May 30th and continuing into July 1970.

The Quaker Action Group espoused non-violent protest and civil disobedience against the war and partnered with the War Resisters League for the announced demonstrations.

The War Drags on Rally at the U. of Md. College Park – Aug. 1970

An unsigned flyer calls for a rally against the Vietnam War August 4, 1970 on the Mall at the University of Maryland College Park. The flyer is unsigned but contains the demands of the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland and was likely put out by the group.

You Don’t Have to Go – Sep. 1970 ca.

A flyer published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Mother Bloor Collective calls on students at College Park to seek draft counseling and oppose the war in Vietnam.

DRUM grew out of the May 1970 student strike on the College Park campus while Mother Bloor was a local Marxist-Leninist collective some student activist leaders formed to chart a path forward for those radicalized in the civil rights and Vietnam War struggles.

DRUM lasted about two years while most of the member of Mother Bloor affiliated with the Workers World Party or its youth group Youth Against War and Fascism.

Freedom Rally flyer by March for Victory Committee – 1970

An early call by the March for Victory Committees led by Rev. Carl McIntire for a demonstration in October 1970 following their spring march that featured Georgia Governor Lester Maddox speaking to a crowd of 10-15,000 and calling for victory in Vietnam.

The rally date was later changed to October 3, 1970 where an estimated 15-20,000 staged a march that rejected President Richard Nixon’s phase-down of the war in Vietnam and instead called for outright defeat of the Vietnamese.

South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyễn Cao Kỳ was to speak at the rally but opposition from the Nixon administration and a threatened mass anti-Ky demonstration caused Ky to cancel his appearance and instead gave a statement that was read to the crowd.

Several hundred antiwar counter-protesters occasionally clashed with pro-war marchers at the October protest leading to 49 arrests.

March for Victory in Vietnam flyer –  Sep. 1970

The National March for Victory Committee flyer calls for a March for Victory [in Vietnam] led by Rev. Carl McIntire October 3, 1970 in Washington, D.C.

The demands were “Win the Peace Through Military Victory; Defeat the Viet Cong by strength; Free the POW’s First; Bring the Boys Home in Triumph; Prayer, Bible Reading in School; and Freedom of Choice [probably not abortion though].

South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyễn Cao Kỳ was to speak at the rally but opposition from the Nixon administration and a threatened mass anti-Ky demonstration caused Ky to cancel his appearance and instead gave a statement that was read to the crowd.

An estimated 15-20,000 attended the October march and rally—far less than the 500,000 predicted and far fewer than the 100,000-500,000 that national antiwar marches regularly drew.

Several hundred antiwar counter-protesters occasionally clashed with pro-war marchers at the October protest leading to 49 arrests.

The people have stopped Ky – Oct 1970

An October 1970 flyer calling for a celebration of the decision by South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyen Can Ky to cancel his appearance at a March for Victory scheduled by right-wing Rev. Carl McIntyre. 

The celebration on the streets of Georgetown turned into a confrontation between those who occupied Wisconsin Ave. and M Street in that section of town and D.C. police. More than 300 were arrested during the disturbances.

The next day McIntyre led a crowd of about 5,000 in a pro-Vietnam War demonstration that heard Ky address them via telephone. About 500 counter-demonstrators waved Viet Cong flags.

We stopped him [Ky] once and we’ll do it again – Nov. 1970

After cancelling an October appearance in the United States, South Vietnamese Vice President Nguyen Can Ky embarked on a two-week tour of the U.S. in November and one of his stops brought him to Washington, D.C. on November 25th, 1970.

The flyer advertises for Nov. 25th, but this was later updated. It was put out by the local Youth International Party (YIP) or Yippies. The Student Mobilization Committeee, a group influenced by the Trotskist Socialist Workers Party, put out a separate leaflet (unavailable).

About 100 people picketed the National Press Building while Ky spoke inside. Two were arrested on minor charges.

Ky was greeted by demonstrations at nearly every city he visited, some much larger than the Washington, D.C. protest.

Call for action to stop Nixon’s new war escalation – Nov. 1970

A call to action at the University of Maryland College Park  on the Vietnam War following an increase in bombing and a failed attempt to rescue American POWs is published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) circa November 1970.

This flyer disparages President Richard Nixon’s war escalation and provides facts to support an antiwar position. The flyer is partially damaged.

DRUM was a successor to the campus chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society that was formed out of the steering committee from the May 1970 student strike against the expansion of the Vietnam War into Cambodia and the shooting deaths of four students at Kent State University by the Ohio National Guard.

Link News timeline of Roger Priest disloyalty case – Jan. 1971 ca.

The Servicemen’s Link to Peace Link News provides a biographical sketch and timeline of D.C. area Seaman Apprentice Roger Priest in early 1971. Priest’s charges including soliciting fellow soldiers to desert, urging insubordination and making statements disloyal to the United States following the publication of several issues his antiwar alternative GI newspaper OM.

The Link provided publicity, organizing material and coordinated legal assistance to active duty GIs around the country from 1969-71.

The group, headquartered in Washington, D.C., also played a role in the defense of the Presidio 27, prisoners who broke ranks and sat in the grass, singing “We Shall Overcome” in protest of conditions at the military prison and the Vietnam War in October 1968.

GI Office to document military abuse of GI rights – Jan. 1971

The GI Office, a national clearinghouse and drop-in center for active duty servicemembers headquartered in the Washington, D.C. area, calls on current and former servicemembers in January 1971 to contact them to document cases of military injustice and repression for preparation for upcoming Congressional hearings.

The hearings held in February and March 1971 were mainly devoted to clandestine military surveillance of active duty GIs.

The GI Office was opened In July 1970 on funds raised by actress and antiwar activist Jane Fonda and staffed by former Green Beret Donald Duncan. It’s initial focus was attempting to marshal congressional support for active duty GIs who were denied their rights under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

Fonda said at the time the office first opened that it would collect, investigate and document “deprivation of the, rights of our service personnel.” Complaints can originate directly from soldiers, in dependent agencies or the offices of Senators or Representatives, Fonda said.

The group quickly organized training conferences for those interested in assisting GIs around the country. The training included instructions in Army regulations, the court martial process, types of methods for securing discharges and other GI counseling topics.

The group also sought to guarantee legal counsel to any GI who was charged by the military after exercising their legal rights.

National student antiwar conference at Catholic U. – Feb. 1971

The Student Mobilization Committee advertises a rally and a national anti-Vietnam War conference to be held at Catholic University February 19-21, 1971.

The rally was also sponsored by the National Peace Action Coalition (NPAC), one of two umbrella antiwar coalitions at the time.  The other was the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ). NPAC organized around a single issue of end the war while PCPJ embraced antiwar, social and economic justice issues.

The Student Mobilization Committee began as the student arm of the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam—the predecessor of PCPJ and NPAC–but became a separate organization where the Socialist Workers Party, the dominate Trotskyist organization at the time, and it’s youth arm the Young Socialist Alliance had considerable influence.

At its high point SMC had chapters on dozens of campuses across the country.

Students and Youth for a People’s Peace Mayday guide – Apr. 1971

A guide to the Mayday demonstrations intended to shut down the government in protest of the Vietnam War through the use of civil disobedience is published by Students and Youth for. A People’s Peace circa April 1971.

The layout makes the guide virtually unreadable, but contains a list of scheduled Mayday actions May 1-5, 1971 a schedule of fall antiwar activities and an appeal for marshals for the April 24, 1971 mass march against the Vietnam War.

Students and Youth for a Peoples Peace was a short lived group formed at a conference in Ann Arbor, Michigan in February 1971 to promote the People’s Peace Treaty negotiated between American Students and students from North and South Vietnam. The conference also voted to organize the Mayday civil disobedience.

Mayday Tactical Manual – 1971

The Mayday 1971 tactical manual provided guidance to individuals and collectives seeking to join in the effort to non-violently shut down the federal government in Washington, D.C. in protest of the ongoing Vietnam War May 3rd through 5th.

For about 5 hours on Monday, May 3, 1971 demonstrators used non-violent civil disobedience attempting to shut down the U.S. government in protest of the Vietnam War by blocking intersections and bridges throughout Washington, D.C.

Frustrated by the slow progress in clearing demonstrators, police suspended civil liberties sometime around 5:30 a.m. and locked up anyone who vaguely resembled a protestor. Around 7,000 were arrested.

On May 4th and 5th, police employed mass arrests outside the Justice Department and at the U.S. Capitol.

In all, more than 12,000 people were arrested in the largest mass arrest in U.S. history. The total surpassed the previous record of over 7,000 arrested during the disturbances in Washington, D.C. after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King. Charges were later dropped against nearly everyone involved and thousands later received compensation from the government for their arrest.

U. of Md. students produce a guide to Mayday civil disobedience – 1971

The University of Maryland Mayday contingent produced a guide to the Mayday 1971 anti-Vietnam War demonstrations that were intended to shut down the government by using civil disobedience to block traffic in Washington, D.C.

People’s Coalition poster urges civil disobedience to end Viet War: 1971

The People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice produces a poster urging people to come to Washington, D.C. for a mass anti-Vietnam War rally April 24, 1971 and then stay for another 10 days of non-violent civil disobedience, including the Mayday demonstrations that would attempt to shut down the government.

The poster used a Mark Morris design based on the Ben Shahn drawing of the Indian nationalist leader Mahatma Gandhi, who was a leading practitioner of non-violent civil disobedience.

The People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ) and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) sponsored a week of civil disobedience against the war in Vietnam and for social justice in 1971 after a massive April 24th march against the war and prior to the Mayday Tribe’s attempt to shut down the city by using mass civil disobedience.

PCPJ was the product of a split in the anti-Vietnam War movement that produced the single-issue end-the-war National Peace Action Coalition and PCPJ, which raised social justice issues as well as advocating an end to the Viet War.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

UMD antiwar coalition formulates demands – 1971

The University of Maryland [College Park] Spring Action Coalition comprised of various campus left-leaning groups formulates its demands during a series of demonstrations in May 1971 on the campus.

The protests broke out at the same time Mayday demonstrations were occurring in nearby Washington, D.C. and resulted in the National Guard occupying the campus for the second year in a row. The Guard would also put down antiwar demonstrations on the campus in 1972.

The demands included kicking ROTC off the campus, implementing the People’s Peace Treaty and an end to disciplinary measures against students and guests.

DRUM and Mother Bloor urge on U. of Md. students – Fall, 1971

A flyer published by the Democratic Radical Union of Maryland (DRUM) and the Mother Bloor Collective in the fall of 1971 calls on students at College Park to re-double their opposition to the Vietnam War after President Richard Nixon’s failed raid to rescue POWs and the withdrawal of a small number of troops.

DRUM grew out of the May 1970 student strike on the College Park campus while Mother Bloor was a local Marxist-Leninist collective some student activist leaders formed to chart a path forward for those radicalized in the civil rights and Vietnam War struggles.

DRUM lasted about two years while most of the members of the Mother Bloor collective affiliated with the Workers World Party or its youth group Youth Against War and Fascism.

National Liberation Front headband – 1971-72

A homemade headband with a representation of the flag of the National Liberation Front (NLF) of South Vietnam (commonly called Viet Cong) that was worn by members of the Washington Area Spark newspaper staff 1971-72.

The headband was intended to express solidarity with the NLF in the struggle for independence of South Vietnam from U.S. domination.

NLF flags and buttons were common at antiwar demonstrations from 1967-73. It was an unusual period where a significant minority of people—particularly young people–in the U.S. openly expressed solidarity with the forces that the U.S. was engaged in armed conflict with.

GI Office seeks to add field offices – Mar. 1972

The GI Office, a clearinghouse and drop-in center for active duty servicemembers in the Washington, D.C. area summarizes its functions and outlines it’s planned expansion in a March 1972 background piece as part of a funding proposal.

The GI Office was opened In July 1970 on funds raised by actress and antiwar activist Jane Fonda and staffed by former Green Beret Donald Duncan. It’s initial focus was attempting to marshal congressional support for active duty GIs who were denied their rights under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

Fonda said at the time the office first opened that it would collect, investigate and document “deprivation of the, rights of our service personnel.” Complaints can originate directly from soldiers, in dependent agencies or the offices of Senators or Representatives, Fonda said.

The group quickly organized training conferences for those interested in assisting GIs around the country. The training included instructions in Army regulations, the court martial process, types of methods for securing discharges and other GI counseling topics.

The group also sought to guarantee legal counsel to any GI who was charged by the military after exercising their legal rights.

American-Korean Friendship Center urges Nixon removal – 1972

An anti-Vietnam War flyer produced by the American-Korean Friendship and Information Center in 1972 contains an appeal to subscribe to their publication, Korea Focus, on the reverse side.

‘People’s Offensive’ pamphlet lists spring antiwar activities – Spring 1972

An unsigned, short pamphlet lists a calendar of planned anti-Vietnam War events in the greater Washington, D.C. area for a spring 1972 “People’s Offensive.”

Given the list of non-violent civil disobedience activities and the recognition of Ho Chi Minh’s birthday, it was probably published by the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ) or one of its affiliates.

Spark “bomb” headband – 1972

A homemade headband with the Spark logo worn by members of the newspaper staff during anti-Vietnam War demonstrations in 1972.

The “bomb” displayed was the second version of the Washington Area Spark newspaper’s logo. The smaller “bomb” was adopted in the masthead in March 1973. The original had the word “Spark” on the interior of the “bomb.”

The “bomb” was later phased out in May 1973 in favor of an interracial group of men and women with raised fists.

Youth Against War and Fascism calls for anti-imperialist contingent in national antiwar march – 1972

A flyer by Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF), a youth group affiliated with the Workers World Party,  calls on people to join an anti-imperialist contingent in a larger march on Washington, D.C. to oppose the Vietnam War May 21, 1972.

While speeches took place at the U.S. Capitol to an assembled crowd of about 15,000, another 3-4,000 battled police at the foot of the U.S. Capitol. YAWF, along with the Attica Brigade, were the primary sponsors of the confrontation.

D.C. police chief Jerry Wilson was hit six times with rocks and a large stick and had blood running down his head from a number of cuts in one of the more intense clashes in Washington of the Vietnam War era.

Wilson was quoted, “They usually run when I walk toward them. This time they threw bigger rocks.”

A dozen police officers were injured and 178 protesters were arrested during the confrontation.

The Attica Brigade issues a call for an anti-imperialist contingent in national antiwar march – 1972

A flyer by the Attica Brigade, a youth group associated with the Maoist Revolutionary Union calls on people to join an anti-imperialist contingent in a larger march on Washington, D.C. to oppose the Vietnam War May 21, 1972.

While speeches took place before a crowd of 10-15,000 on the grounds of the U.S. Capitol, several thousand in the anti-imperialist contingent tossed rocks, bottles and other projectiles while police responded with clubs and tear gas.

D.C. police chief Jerry Wilson was hit six times with objects including a wooden stick that caused blood to run down his face.

Wilson was quoted, “They usually run when I walk toward them. This time they threw bigger rocks.”

A dozen police officers were injured and 178 protesters were arrested during the confrontation.

Hiroshima Day commemoration – Aug. 1972

The Washington Area Peace Action Coalition flyer advertising Hiroshima Day events and calling for a planning meeting of interested groups. The flyer compares the Vietnam War to Hiroshima. Hiroshima Day annually marks the 1945 bombing of both Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the U.S. using atomic bombs. The U.S. remains the only country that has used atomic weapons against an enemy–killing an estimated 200,000 Japanese, most of whom were civilians.

Confront Nixon at Miami Beach – Aug. 1972

An unattributed flyer calls for protests at the 1972 Republican Convention in Miami Beach where Richard Nixon would be nominated for a second term as president.

Similar to the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago, the Miami police were undisciplined and engaged in wanton violence against largely peaceful protesters.

The 5,000 protesters, led by a large Vietnam Veterans Against the War contingent, were largely peaceful, although the automobiles of some convention delegates had their windows smashed.

This was end of the Vietnam War protests and only one other large-scale demonstration took place after this event.  Nixon’s January 1973 Inauguration drew 100,000 protesters to Washington to demonstrate against the president’s renewed bombing campaign against North Vietnam.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

South Vietnam in Struggle – Oct. 1973

The 220th issue of the English-language South Vietnam in Struggle published October 29, 1973 takes place after the signing of the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973 but before the liberation of South Vietnam in 1975. It is the 7th year of publication as the Central Organ of the South Viet Nam National Front for Liberation (NLF, commonly called Viet Cong).

The issue contains reports of violations of the Paris Peace Accords by both the U.S. and the Thieu regime in South Vietnam, reports of conditions under the Thieu regime, the Provisional Revolutionary Government, and from North Vietnam..

The paper also reports on former U.S. Vice President Spiro Agnew’s legal troubles, evidence of the U.S. backing the coup against Chilean president Salvadore Allende, a report from Senegal, a report on Thailand, and a critique of U.S. policy in the Middle East.

Women’s Rights

D.C. Telephone Traffic contract with C&P – 1950

The 1948 contract agreement between Washington Traffic Division No. 50 and the Chesapeake & Potomac Telephone Co. was the first Communications Workers of America (CWA) contract used as a pattern for other local unions.

The union, formerly the Washington Telephone Traffic Union (1935-47), became Division 50 of the new Communications Workers of America at a June 1947 convention following a failed six-week strike by the National Federation of Telephone Workers April-May 1947 that had sought a national bargaining agreement.

The 1948 contract was the first three-year agreement signed with an AT&T subsidiary and came at a time when local telephone unions had been weakened by the strike and further by a split between national unions—the independent CWA and the Telephone Workers Organizing Committee of the CIO.

The Washington, D.C. contract was used by the national union as a pattern for 10 local unions across the country in 1948 with its three-year deal that provided no immediate wage increase, but allowed for two wage reopeners—one in the first year and one in the second year of the agreement.

The Washington union was chosen because of its militancy and because C&P was a wholly-owned subsidiary of AT&T. Mary Gannon, the leader of the union from 1940-49 led the union on dozens off work stoppages during her tenure and was a voice for women within the larger national union before leaving the local union early in 1950.

Call for women to oppose Viet War – Nov. 1967

87-year-old Jeanette Rankin issues a call for women to come to Washington, D.C. January 15, 1968 at the opening session of Congress to oppose the Vietnam War.

Rankin was a former congressional representative from Montana who was the first woman elected to Congress and voted against U.S. entry into both World War I and World War II.

More than 5,000 women heeded the call and marched from Union Station and rallied on a cold, snowy day in front of the U.S. Capitol building.

Rankin served two terms in Congress, being elected in 1916 and again in 1940. The protest marked the beginning of an antiwar organization of women that named itself the Jeanette Rankin Brigade.

Washington, D.C. women protest Miss America Pageant – Sep. 1968

A flyer by Washington Women’s Liberation decries the objectification and subjugation of women represented by the Miss America Pageant in Atlantic City September 7, 1968.

The protest at the pageant brought nationwide attention to the nascent women’s liberation movement as several hundred women marched, carried banners and rallied near the pageant.

The demonstration was mainly organized by New York Women’s Liberation, but women from all along the East Coast participated.

The mainstream press twisted the event into a protest that burned bras. The reality is that nothing was burned, much less brassieres.

The original image is housed in the Duke University Libraries Repository Collections and Archives, Rubenstein Library. The creator of this work has granted the Rubenstein Library permission to make this publication available online, and authorized a Creative Commons attribution, non-commercial, non-derivative works license to the materials.

DC WITCH celebrates Pan American week – Apr. 1969

The Washington, D.C. Women’s International Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH) group issues a flyer calling for a demonstration to hex the United Fruit Company as a representative company that “exploits the people of nations it purports to benefit, and manipulates United States government policy.”

The April 16, 1969 demonstration involved six women in witch costumes briefly invading the offices of United Fruit and “hexing” the company. The company called police and the women continued their protest outside on the sidewalk.

In addition to the United Fruit demonstration the Washington, D.C. WITCH women also protested the Gridiron Club exclusion of women; disrupted a congressional subcommittee hearing conducted by U.S. Rep William Natcher (D-KY), who was holding up Metrorail construction funds; and disrupted a meeting featuring D.C. police chief Jerry Wilson; among other activities.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

D.C. WITCH urges participation in Panther defense – 1969

The Washington, D.C. Women’s International Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH) group issues a flyer calling on women to participate in a November 22, 1969 protest in New Haven, Conn. Against treatment of six Black Panther Party women that were imprisoned.

The reverse side of the flyer is a joint call by the New England Women’s Liberation Group and the Black Panther Party to join in the demonstration.

Women’s Liberation festival – Nov. 1969

The D.C. Women’s Liberation Movement Center issues a flyer for a women’s festival coinciding with the national anti-Vietnam War Moratorium March on Washington November 14-15, 1969.

The festival included women’s liberation skits, media shows, singers, films, poetry and theatre.

Women’s Liberation Movement Center festival – Nov. 1969

The D.C. Women’s Liberation Movement Center issues a flyer for a women’s festival coinciding with the national anti-Vietnam War Moratorium March on Washington November 14-15, 1969.

The festival included women’s liberation skits, media shows, singers, films, poetry and theatre.

The festival was held at the Women’s Liberation Movement Center located within Gonzaga College High School near North Capitol and I Streets NW.

Women’s ‘triple threat meeting’ – 1970

A tongue-in-cheek flyer advertises a forum in March 1970 by Washington, D.C. Women’s Liberation, Women’s Strike for Peace and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Women’s Fest sponsored by Community Bookshop – Mar. 1971

A flyer by the Community Bookshop announces a women’s festival in March 1971.

The Community Bookshop sold radical books, pamphlets and newspapers of various left-wing stripes, including communist, socialist, anarchist, environmentalist, feminist, gay and lesbian literature and also hosted community events and speakers during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

The bookshop was located in the Dupont Circle area near the intersection of 20thand P Streets NW.

Feminists and left-wing radicals resurrected International Women’s Day (March 8th) during the late 1960s. It had been suppressed as a “communist” holiday during the Red Scare of the late 1940s and 1950s. In turn, March became women’s history month.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

D.C. Women for Abortion Action flyer: 1971

The Washington, D.C.-based group Women for Abortion Action issues a flyer calling for picketing the White House in support of Shirley Wheeler, convicted in Florida of manslaughter for having an abortion. The flyer also called for attending a national women’s march November 20, 1971.

Women’s for Abortion Action was a broad coalition of women’s advocacy groups in the greater Washington, D.C. area.

The national march was sponsored by the Women’s National Abortion Action Coalition and drew more than 2,500 people to march from the Ellipse down Pennsylvania Avenue to the U.S. Capitol where they heard from Shirley Weaver, among others.

In a case that pre-dated Roe v. Wade, Wheeler was convicted of manslaughter after medical staff at a Florida hospital reported her illegal abortion to authorities.

Media attention brought the issue of abortion to the fore in public debate, and Wheeler’s conviction was overturned by the Florida Supreme Court.

Women motorcyclists get together – 1973 ca.

Women motorcyclists issue a call to get together at the Washington, D.C. Women’s Center circa 1973.

Description of the Women’s Center from the George Washington University Library’s collection:

“During its time from 1972 through the late 1980s, the Washington Area Women’s Center served both as a space where women could explore aspects of feminism and work on projects dedicated to furthering feminist theory and also practical work to serve as a clearinghouse of advisors and information to help women in the Metropolitan Area explore all options related to changing their lives and asserting their rights.”

Originals held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Socialism/Feminism course at the Women’s Center – Mar. 1973

The New American Movement (NAM) offers a socialism/feminism course in March 1973 at the Washington, D.C. Women’s Center.

The first session to be held on March 1st involves the film Salt of the Earth.

NAM was established at a conference held in Davenport, Iowa in December 1971 by radical political activists seeking to create a successor organization to Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Suffrage Day celebrated with a week of activities: 1975

An unsigned flyer unveils a calendar of events surrounding a week of celebrating women’s suffrage August 22-29, 1975.

Advertised events include a National Organization for Women fair; dinner with Andrea Dworkin; a concert with Cassie Culver, Willie Tyson and Barbara Cobb; a dance; a film festival; live and taped music produced by Womansound; the theatre production Approaching Simone; and a performance by the National Symphony.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

Sophie’s Parlor 24-hour recognition of Suffrage Day – Aug. 1975

Sophie’s Parlor, a feminist radio program, advertises 24-hours of women’s programming on WGTB 90.1 FM in recognition of Suffrage Day August 25-26, 1975.

Sophie’s Parlor was a regular show on WGTB, at one point airing three times per week.

Sophie’s Parlor was the also the coffeehouse at the Washington, D.C. Women’s Center and later developed a sound production crew.

Original held in the Bonnie Atwood papers, 1965-2005, Collection, Special Collections and Archives, James Branch Cabell Library, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA.

–Next page for periodicals-

A DC Labor & Civil Rights Leader Remembered: Marie Richardson

19 Nov

Marie Lucinda Richardson (Harris)

Marie Richardson, a labor & civil rights leader in the 1940s, was imprisoned during the McCarthy era for 4 1/2 years. Photo D A Harris, ©Afro American Newspapers.

By Craig Simpson

Marie L. Richardson (Harris) was a leading organizer for civil rights and labor unions in the District of Columbia from the late 1930s until 1950.

Her pioneering work helped to organize the predominately African American Washington red caps union and their women’s auxiliary while still a teenager. She was a leader of the early fight to integrate Capital Transit operator jobs.  She was an active member of the National Negro Congress and served as the executive secretary of the local branch.   

According to the Afro American newspaper, she was the first African American woman to hold national office in a major labor union. In her role as national representative of the United Federal Workers, CIO she helped lead the union’s organizing drives and battles against discrimination inside the federal government in the District.

The price she paid for her leadership was four and a half years in a federal penitentiary, a victim of  McCarthy-era persecution.

Fighter In Her Youth

Marie Lucinda Richardson was born September 4, 1920 to Mattie and Griffin Richardson in Washington, DC and grew up in a row house at 1638 Florida Ave. NW along with her brother Thomas “Tommy” Richardson.  She attended the segregated District of Columbia schools, graduating from Morgan School in 1932, Garnet-Patterson Junior High School in January 1935 and Cardozo High School in January 1938.

DC Red Caps Union: 1938

Griffin Richardson (back row, 2nd from right) with Washington red caps union in 1938. Photo: Scurlock, courtesy National Archives.

Her father had been a baggage handler at Union Station since it opened in 1907 and was an officer in an early association of red caps. On July 5, 1933, he was a founder of the Washington Terminal Station Porters, a red caps unit fighting for better working conditions.

While still in high school, Marie Richardson helped her father organize the group into a union. The effort inspired red caps in other cities and in January 1938, they banded together to form the International Brotherhood of Red Caps later renamed the United Transport Service Employees.

In 1939, Richardson helped organize the women’s auxiliary of the union and was chosen as a national officer of the auxiliary in January 1940.  She was re-elected in 1942.

Youth Organizer and Early Work

After graduating from high school, Richardson attended Howard University and Terrell Law School and during that time worked at the dean’s office at Howard for two years. From 1940-42, she worked at the Office of War Information as a messenger and the Naval Gun Factory at the Washington Navy Yard as a machinist, where she was also active in the United Federal Workers (UFW), CIO.

Cardozo High School Class: 1938

Marie Richardson (3rd row, middle, surrounded by those in white) with Cardozo High School 1938 mid-year class. Photo: Scurlock, courtesy National Archives.

In 1941, Richardson was an organizer for the National Conference of Negro Youth and served as acting secretary of the “Washington Initiating Committee” of the conference.

She led the organizing of the three-day November conference of the organization enlisting the support of prominent civil rights leader Mary McLeod Bethune, popular entertainer Fats Waller and arranging for First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt to speak at the conference.

In her role as youth organizer, she began fighting to desegregate government and industry in the District. “Our purpose is to give special attention to Negro young people who have been discriminated against in Washington or who have been working at jobs not commensurate with their qualifications,” she said in a statement.

Richardson’s committee began the early work on ending Jim Crow hiring at Capital Transit by soliciting letters and petitions from groups and individuals in support of hiring African American streetcar and bus operators. This work laid the groundwork for the eventual integration of operator ranks at the company in 1955.

First Black Woman National Representative at Major Union

She was selected national representative of the United Federal Workers (UFW), CIO in the Spring of 1943, becoming one of the first (perhaps the first) African American women to serve at that level in a major labor union.

Richardson worked to organize federal workers and the cafeteria workers employed by quasi-private contractors in federal and defense department cafeterias.  She helped lead the UFW organizing efforts and fights against discrimination at Freedmen’s Hospital, teachers at Howard University, the Bureau of Engraving, Federal Security Agency and US Treasury Department.

During the World War II years she also volunteered for the Office of Civilian Defense where she received two commendations for her work as a sector air raid warden.

Executive Secretary of DC National Negro Congress

Richardson had been active in the local chapter of the National Negro Congress (NNC) since the late 1930s.  The NNC was a broad civil rights organization based in the black working class that emphasized direct action in contrast to the legal strategy of the NAACP.

She was selected as executive secretary of the District of Columbia unit of the NNC in 1945 where she continued work on police brutality, voting rights for District of Columbia residents and desegregating the operator jobs at the Capital Transit Company.

When Charles Hamilton Houston resigned from the federal Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC) in protest of President Harry Truman’s thwarting an order forcing the transit company to hire African American operators, Richardson drafted a letter from the local NNC blasting Truman.

The letter charged that Truman’s actions were “in substance, a declaration of support of the Jim Crow laws in operation” in the District. “Your letter [Truman’s] is a cynical welcome for colored veterans returning to their homes in Washington looking for fair employment without discrimination,” the letter continued.

Marie Richardson at Home at Her Desk

Marie Richardson at Florida Ave NW home in 1946. Photo: D. A. Harris Jr.©Afro American Newspaper.

While at the NNC, Richardson led the local campaign to pass a bill for a permanent federal FEPC. Despite the Capital Transit debacle, the FEPC had helped to desegregate some of the defense related industry during World War II.  When a filibuster was conducted in the U.S. Senate to stop the bill, Richardson led picketing at the home of each Senator blocking the bill (see photo of Richardson picketing here, click “browse this newspaper” & navigate to Feb 2, 1946 edition, page 24).

The bill ultimately died in the Senate. However, President Truman issued an executive order in 1948 prohibiting employment discrimination in the federal government.

She organized an outdoor anti-lynching rally in July 1947 that drew 500 people where Savannah Churchill, a popular singer, declared that “people must unit themselves to stop the terrible crimes” of lynching. As organizer of the event, Richardson offered resolutions adopted by the group in support of federal anti-lynching legislation and condemning discrimination in the District of Columbia.

In late 1947, the NNC merged into the Civil Rights Congress (CRC), a group that had originally been created to pursue legal and legislative strategies.

Richardson’s work with the NNC spilled over to the CRC and she helped build support for the strike over wages and benefits by Local 471 of the United Cafeteria Workers (UPW, CIO) union in 1947 and again in 1948 when the union waged an 11 week strike after a government-sponsored corporation refused to bargain with a “red union.”

In 1948, she took a job as campaign manager for Joseph Rainey, Progressive Party candidate for Congress in Philadelphia.  Rainey’s grandfather was the first black congressman during Reconstruction and Rainey had been elected magistrate in Philadelphia and had served as president of the Local NAACP chapter. Rainey lost, but out-polled Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace in the district.

After returning to Washington, Richardson assisted Henry Thomas’s Building Laborer’s Local 74 in their one-day strike in June 1949.  In the post WWII years, Richardson was also active with the National Association for Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the National Council of Women and the Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax.

In 1950, Richardson moved to New York City with her husband, Rev. Benjamin Harris who became the pastor of the First Baptist Church of Philadelphia in Long Island.  The two operated a dry cleaning establishment to make ends meet.

Federal Loyalty Oath

In March 1947, President Harry S. Truman issued an executive order requiring loyalty oaths of all government employees.  Current and prospective employees were required to pledge they were not members of the Communist Party and to disclose, in writing, current and past membership in organizations deemed “subversive” by the Attorney General.  It was the opening salvo in a series of actions that drove most communists and other left-wing activists out of jobs in government and private industry and out of the labor and civil rights movements.

The initial “subversive list” was published in the federal register March 20, 1948 and included the National Negro Congress, the Civil Rights Congress and the Communist Party.

The order did not provide criminal penalties, but set up “loyalty boards” to fire employees it deemed guilty of disloyalty.

Shortly after the order went into effect in 1948, Richardson applied for and was hired for a temporary clerical job at the Library of Congress where she worked for three months.  In May 1949, she re-applied and was hired again for a clerical job at the Library where she worked for several months before her move to New York.

Markward Infiltrates Communist Party

Long before the loyalty oath, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) was spying on left-wing organizations, including the Communist Party.

Mary Markward Testifies Before HUAC: 1951

Mary Markward testifies before HUAC. Her testimony helped convict Marie Richardson and send her to prison. World-Telegram & Sun Newspaper Collection, courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The FBI approached Mary Stalcup Markward in March 1943 to infiltrate the District of Columbia Communist Party after the FBI determined that several of her beauty shop customers were associated with the group.

Markward worked diligently at routine Communist Party tasks and was elevated to local treasurer and a member of the governing board of the Maryland-DC state party. Markward was in charge of membership, including the collection of dues from District of Columbia party members.  During this time Markward made regular reports to the FBI.

In June 1951, Markward began testifying in secret before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) about communist activities in the Washington area, ultimately naming over 200 people as members of the Communist Party.  In July, Marie Richardson and her father Griffin were named in newspapers as members of the Communist Party identified by Markward.

Richardson Indicted, Faces 40 Years

By November 1951, it was the height of the Korean War where the US sent troops against communist-led forces. Eleven national unions had been expelled from the CIO labor federation for alleged communist ties, along with numerous members of individual AFL and CIO unions. Julius & Ethel Rosenberg had been sentenced to death for allegedly passing atomic secrets to the Soviet Union.

Leaders of the US Communist Party were jailed under the Smith Act and many more members and left-leaning activists were under investigation or facing trial.  None were convicted for any specific alleged acts to overthrow the government, but were instead jailed for alleged communist beliefs or membership in the Communist Party.

Some were jailed for contempt when they refused to answer questions in Congressional hearings about their beliefs, organizations they belonged to or people that they knew or may have known. Others had their names and addresses published in newspapers, were fired from their jobs and blacklisted.

Richardson was indicted November 30 for “false and fraudulent statements” stemming from her signed loyalty oaths and her job applications for the library clerical jobs in 1948 and 1949.  She faced a $10,000 fine and five years in prison for each of eight counts that charged she had not revealed past membership in “subversive organizations.”

Critics of loyalty oaths contended that they accomplished little and the government was determined to prove them wrong.  Richardson’s imprisonment would show that the loyalty oath program worked.  Further, jailing Richardson who no longer lived in the area or worked for the federal government would bolster the message that anyone who was affiliated with left-leaning unions and civil rights organizations were not safe unless they renounced other members and the organizations.

William Hitz, Assistant United States Attorney sent out a chilling message that, “he expected there would be many more [indictments] here and elsewhere.”  He made a point to say that Richardson was “uncovered” during a “routine” FBI loyalty check, although authorities were well aware of Richardson for years.

Among the organizations Hitz cited in support of the indictment were Richardson activities with the National Negro Congress, American Youth Congress, Americans for Peace Mobilization and the Americans for Democratic Action along with the Communist Party.

Arraignment & Suppression of Defense Committee

At Richardson’s December 14 arraignment, she was released on $1,000 bond pending trial set for January 17, 1952.  Before she could leave the courthouse, Richardson was detained by US Marshals who demanded the names of those who had helped her with bail money.  Richardson refused to answer their questions.

Ralph Powe, a prominent CRC attorney from New York, represented her at the arraignment and charged that it was “…another attempt on the part of the government to silence outspoken colored leaders.”

If anyone doubted the government’s desire to make an example of Richardson, that notion was quickly dispelled.

Committee to Defend Marie Richardson Pamphlet: 1952 ca

Committee to Defend Marie Richardson pamphlet, 1952 ca.

January 13, 1952, police raided a party to raise money for Richardson.  Twelve police officers broke up the party attended by about 60 persons and arrested one for selling whiskey without a license.  According to the Afro-American, police seized an envelope marked “Marie Richardson Defense Committee” containing $980 as evidence.

Richardson was detained, but not arrested by police.  However, police took the names and addresses of all persons at the party “in case witnesses were needed,” and confiscated the list of contributors.

The drive to sandbag defense efforts later resulted in the 1953 attorney general listing of the Committee to Defend Marie Richardson  as a subversive organization.

Trial and Conviction

Powe put together a strong legal defense team for Richardson.  James A. Cobb was a former municipal court judge and a vice-dean of the Howard University law school. George A. Parker founded the Robert H. Terrell School of Law in 1931 and later was appointed as a federal judgeBarrington Parker was law partner with his father, defended Paul Robeson and W. E. B DuBois and was later appointed by President Nixon as a federal judge. George E. C. Hayes was the lead attorney on the Supreme Court case that desegregated Washington, DC public schools in 1954.  Powe was a veteran civil rights attorney.

However, the team was only able to obtain a brief postponement to prepare and the trial began February 18 before Judge James R. Kirkland and a jury of eight whites and four blacks

The short time between arraignment and trial resulted in long hours for the defense team.  Barrington Parker told the Afro-American newspaper that most of each night was spent in research, resulting in little sleep for any of them.

The government’s called only three witnesses.  The first, Leon W. Seidner, chief of operations at the Library of Congress, testified Richardson denied communist affiliations in applying for clerical jobs in 1948 and 1949.

The legal case against Richardson hinged on the testimony of Markward and that of Henry Thomas, the laborer’s union president who quit the Communist Party in 1949 and denounced those he alleged to be members to HUAC in 1950.

Thomas testified that he had known Richardson since 1939 and had been at meetings of the Young Communist League with her. Thomas further testified that he and Richardson had been at a number of different meetings with high profile Communist Party leaders over the years.

DC Home of Marie Richardson: 2012

DC home of Marie Richardson where she grew up and stayed during her trial shown in 2012.

Under cross-examination defense attorneys quickly had Thomas back peddling on a number of assertions.  He recanted numerous dates and places of meetings when challenged and admitted that he or his wife had invited many of the communist leaders to the meetings, some of which had been meetings of the NAACP. At times Thomas was uncertain whether Richardson had even been present.

Markward’s testimony was more crucial, given her job as keeper of the Communist Party membership records.  Markward testified she [Markward] filled out Richardson’s membership card in her own handwriting in 1946. However, Markward said that Richardson never picked up the card. Markward further testified that she kept the card in her own possession. The card was entered into evidence by the prosecution.

Under cross-examination Markward admitted that she saw no documents signed by Richardson indicating that she was a party member, “I have never seen Mrs. Richardson fill out a party card,” Markward acknowledged.

In other evidence, Markward testified that Richardson once gave a report on the local National Negro Congress of which Richardson was then executive secretary.  Under cross-examination, Markward admitted the aim of the Congress was to “better the status of negroes,” but also testified that the organization received support from the Communist Party.

Defense attorneys challenged her motivation and branded her as a paid informant, but Markward said her work was “without compensation” and denied receiving any funds from the FBI, other than incidental expenses, and said her motives were patriotic.

When the trial ended after more than a week, no Communist Party membership card in Richardson’s writing or dues payment records with Richardson’s name were produced and defense attorney Hayes told the jury there was “no evidence anywhere that Mrs. Richardson ever joined the Communist Party.”

Hayes went on to say that Richardson’s long association with the National Negro Congress only showed that she “dedicated herself to do something for a race of people with which she was identified.”

The jury began deliberations late February 28 and the elder Parker expressed the belief that a hung jury would result.

However, after six hours of deliberations the jury returned to the courtroom. Each juror stood and read his or her verdict on each count.  Two of the African American jurors hesitated for a long moment before softly saying guilty, but Richardson was convicted on all counts. The anti-communist hysteria of the day was ultimately too much to overcome.  Kirkland refused bond and remanded Richardson to jail pending sentencing.

Sentence & Further Degradation

On March 7, Kirkland sentenced Richardson to a prison term of 28 months to 7 years and fined her $2000.  Kirkland gave gushing praise to Markward saying, “she gave valiantly of her services. She deserves to take her place alongside of Molly Pitcher, Barbara Fritchie and Clara Barton.”

He blasted Richardson and admitted he was sentencing her for her beliefs, “Your teachings at your mother’s knee and your American father should not have permitted you to embrace such false doctrines.  You, a highly educated woman, have brought this upon yourself.” Kirkland again refused to set bond during appeal and remanded her to jail.

In another apparent attempt to degrade her and send a message to others, she was hauled before a grand jury investigating drug trafficking almost immediately after sentencing.  When Richardson said she wanted to consult a lawyer, she was not questioned, but the incident was publicized by the local newspapers. Assistant United State Attorney Thomas Wadden, Jr. declined to state to the Washington Post why he was calling Richardson. Richardson was never recalled to testify.

Appeals and Prison

Richardson’s defense team eventually secured her release on $5,000 bail.  David Rein and Joseph Forer, attorneys with extensive experience defending accused communists, assisted with the appeal. A number of grounds for overturning the verdict were raised, but most significantly that Markward had misled the jury on a key point.

After the trial, documents were discovered that showed Markward had been paid a little over $24,000 by the FBI–which equates to about $207,000 in 2012 dollars or about $30,000 per year—at odds with the small-reimbursed expenses Markward claimed during trial.

Nevertheless, the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals found that “the contentions made by [the] appellants are insubstantial.  There is no reversible error and the judgment of conviction and the order denying the motion for a new trial must and hereby are affirmed.”

Richardson’s attorneys appealed back to Judge Kirkland for a reduction of sentence and sought a US Supreme Court review.  They were turned down on both counts.  In July 1954, Richardson was ordered to jail and sent to Alderson Federal Penitentiary in West Virginia.

Richardson’s Release

Richardson was denied parole several times and served four years before a group of African American ministers persuaded the parole board to reconsider their decision.

Appearing before the parole board on Richardson’s behalf were Rev. Ct. T. Murray, pastor of the Vermont Avenue Baptist Church, The Rev. N. H. Travis, Salem Baptist Church; the Rev. Andrew Fowler, president of the Baptist District Convention, the Rev. J. H. Randolph, chairman of the Fraternal Council of Churches and the Rev. Wendell C. Somerville, representing the Baptist Ministers Conference.

Richardson was finally released from prison in October 1958.

Richardson died without fanfare March 6, 1987. Richardson’s final viewing was held March 12, 1987 at the Vermont Avenue Baptist Church in Washington, DC and her final resting place is in Lincoln Memorial Cemetery in Suitland, MD.

Author’s notes:  Richardson’s contributions to the District of Columbia labor and civil rights movements were lost in the anti-communist frenzy of the 1950s. Her pioneering stint as perhaps the first African American woman to hold a major national trade union office receives scant attention in labor, civil rights and women’s histories. The injustice of four and a half years in prison related to a loyalty oath that was overturned by the Supreme Court years later has also been forgotten.

Most information for this article came from the Washington Afro American, Chicago Defender, Atlanta Daily World, Washington Post, Washington Star, Ginger & Christiano’s “The Cold War Against Labor,” court documents and HUAC transcripts.

Craig Simpson is a former Secretary-Treasurer of Amalgamated Transit Union Local 689 and has a BA in labor studies from the National Labor College.  He can be contacted by e-mail at washington_area_spark@yahoo.com. 

Native Americans Take Over Bureau of Indian Affairs: 1972

26 Mar

By Bob Simpson
From The Montgomery Spark, November 29, 1972. page 13 & page 14

Trail of Broken Treaties Participant: 1972

Sign of distress by unidentified Trail of Broken Treaties protester. From the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

The takeover of the Bureau of Indian Affairs [BIA] by militant Native Americans in early November [1972] began almost by accident.

Leaders of the Trail of Broken Treaties were negotiating with the Interior Department over the question of housing. Suddenly fighting broke out between several GSA security guards and a group of young Indians.

Apparently the guards misunderstood that the BIA had given the Indians permission to stay in the building past closing time. The guards were quickly overpowered and escorted from the building. Indians ran through the BIA building at 19th & Constitution breaking up furniture to barricade entrances and manufacture makeshift weapons. The occupation was on.

Trail of Broken Treaties Press Conference: 1972

Before the takeover. From the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Trail Required Concerted Effort

The Trail of Broken Treaties had originally come to Washington as a concerted effort by militant Native Americans from across the continent. Numbering well over 1,000, they had to negotiate over a series of 20 demands.

These demands involved the abolition of the BIA, whose paternalism and corruption is infamous, plus a whole series of reforms leading to greater self-determination for Indian people. Both urban and reservation Indians had joined the protest. Discriminated against in jobs, their land ripped off by greedy whites, water rights threatened, possessing a terrible infant mortality and T.B. rate, the Indians of over 250 tribes were represented.

Rumors of Police Violence

When the Indians seized the building Nov. 2, the government began a series of complex legal maneuvers to force the Indians out. A deadline was set for the night of Nov. 3. Rumors of impending police violence led the Indian leadership to put out a call for support.

Prepared for the Worst at the Bureau of Indian Affairs: 1972

One Native American is prepared for the worst. From the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Groups began to appear outside the BIA with food, supplies and political support. On the night of Nov. 3, several hundred non-Indians formed a line of bodies to interfere with the expected police assault. Confronted with hundreds of armed Indians plus their supporters, the government backed down. The waiting game was on.

From the beginning the government game was clear, keep the occupiers in a constant state of doubt and suspense to wear down their morale.

Deadlines Repeatedly Postponed

With the election on Nov. 7, the Nixon administration could not afford a massacre until after this date. So they kept setting shifting, fluid deadlines. They sent dozens of undercover agents to spy on the occupation force.

Army buses would ride by and ominously park in front of the building. Pig cars would race around the block. From across the street, cops would stand and photograph demonstrators. This type of harassment failed to break the spirit of the fighters.

Housekeeping During the BIA Occupation: 1972

Protesters set up basic services during the occupation. From the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

A relatively efficient system of organization was set up. Armed Indian security ringed the building. Child-care was set up. A paramedical team from the University of Maryland contributed themselves and their resources. Food distribution was organized.

Tribal ceremonies were held and large council meetings of all the occupiers kept people informed and allowed for democratic decision-making. Communication was set up with support groups.

Native Americans Take Over BIA in DC: 1972

The occupation on Nov. 5, 1972. From the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Tensest Moments

The tensest moments of the occupation occurred on Monday, Nov. 6. The judge had given an order that the Native Americans must vacate the building by 6 p.m. or face forcible eviction. A large force of GSA [General Services Administration] and Civil Disturbance Unit riot police were quartered about a block away.

Tension mounted Monday afternoon as the Indians broke down into teams of four and established military perimeters. Armed with clubs, knives and spears they passed out rags to cover their mouths against the expected tear gas. Inside the building itself, firebombs and other more potent weapons were prepared. Some Indians barricaded inside reportedly had guns. People broke up pieces of iron grating for missiles and Indians on the roof prepared to rain down destruction upon the expected invaders.

Molotov Cocktail in BIA After Native Americans Leave: 1972

At the BIA. From the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

As the deadline approached, Indian leaders spoke on the steps of the BIA. Russell Means spoke of the telegrams of support they had received from the Irish Republican Army and the Black Panther Party.

He spoke of the occupation of the BIA office in Seattle, Washington. Indians had seized the Indian Affairs office in Ottawa, Canada and had all their demands met. The Canadian police had refused to march on the occupation force. Means reminded those present that the mostly black GSA riot squad was using one oppressed group to smash another.

Plead for No More Massacres

After the Civil War, Freedmen had been used in all black cavalry regiments in the Indian wars of the west. They had a reputation for brutality and harshness. Means pleaded for the black riot police not to follow in the infamous footsteps of their post-civil-war predecessors and aid in the smashing of Native American aspirations.

He asked all non-Indians to stand in solidarity, comparing the anticipated massacre at Washington, D.C. with American actions like the massacre of Vietnamese at My Lai, and the slaughtering of Indians by the 19th Century cavalry at Wounded Knee and Sand Creek.

Native Americans Vow to Fight

The Indians had come to Washington in peace, but had been given the prospect of war. They were ready. Many of the young warriors had daubed on war paint, signifying that they had taken vows to fight until death.

Had the government decided to attack, much death and injury would have resulted. The 6 p.m. deadline came and went. Soon the word was out that the judge had extended it until Wednesday, Nov. 8. There was much rejoicing as once again the government had backed down.

Documents Liberated from BIA Commissioner’s Safe: 1972

Documents were taken from BIA commissioner’s safe. Courtesy of the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

On Election Day the leadership held several press conferences. It was announced at the first press conference that many records had been removed in order to expose the record of corruption and scandal within the BIA. It was revealed that massive corruption was involved in the building dams on Seneca land in upstate New York, and that Senator Mike Mansfield was involved in shady real estate dealings in his hometown in Oklahoma. It was stated that the files would be kept in secret hiding places until Native American lawyers could untangle them and expose their content.

Indian leader Russell Means explained that people would begin leaving but that an occupation force would remain the building until the Wednesday deadline. He announced that the BIA was effectively abolished. Prosecution for activities was expected, but [he said] that they would meet this bravely.

DC Police Spy Captured

Later on in the day, a metropolitan police detective was captured while spying in the building. After being chased, captured, and knocked around a little bit, he was taken back inside the building for questioning.

Bill Cross at Trail of Broken Treaties Demonstration: 1970

Bill Cross of the Dakotas, a participant during the protest. Courtesy of the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post

Indians called on his police band walkie-talkie and the cops at headquarters freaked. He was brought outside in his own handcuffs and forced through a humiliating press conference. He said his name was Roger O’Day of Criminal Investigation but pleaded ignorance to other questions. He was eventually turned over to his superiors.

By late Tuesday afternoon, it was clear that a settlement was in the offing. The Indians were demanding a twelve person commission be set up with seven of their leaders and five top Nixon aides. This commission would work to implement the 20 demands.

Settlement Reached

On Wednesday, Nov. 8, a settlement was reached. As a task force was set up to deal with the demands, amnesty for the occupiers was agreed upon. As the Indians left, they took with them many paintings and artifacts. Police made no attempt to stop them.

Marilyn Nuttle at Trail of Broken Treaties in DC: 1972

Marilyn Nuttle of the Pawnee during protests. Courtesy of the DC Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Although they left the building interior totally destroyed, it was not set afire or blown up as had been threatened. Although over $2 million damage was done, these acts of destruction were nothing compared to the destruction that whites have wreaked upon the Indian people.

Before you join the ranks of those condemning this action, think who was it who stole the Indians’ land, ravaged it, despoiled it, polluted it, and put up fences and ugly stinking cities. The real criminals are where they have always been in the highest corporation and government offices in this land. If there is to be prosecution, let the real criminals go on trial.

US Betrayal on Amnesty
[Originally published as a sidebar]

Although representatives of Nixon signed an agreement with Native Americans occupying the bureau of Indian Affairs recommending against prosecution, the government has decided to go ahead and begin indictment proceedings.

This means the White House has broken yet another treaty with the Indians. A White House spokesperson claimed the amnesty agreement did not mean that the government couldn’t prosecute the Indians for stolen property and destruction of the building.

Total damage to the building was estimated by the government at over $2 million. The government said damage was the third heaviest ever to government buildings, surpassed only by the burning of Washington by the British in 1814 and the destruction of government buildings in the San Francisco earthquake in 1906.


Floyd Young Horse at Trail of Broken Treaties in DC: 1972

Floyd Young Horse, a participant at the Trail of Broken Treaties. From the DC Public LIbrary Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

Postscript: March, 2013

The Trail of Broken Treaties was originally proposed by Robert Burnette during a Sun Dance ceremony in South Dakota. Burnette was a former tribal chair of the Rosebud Indian Reservation. Others at the ceremony agreed that a demonstration in Washington was needed because of numerous treaty violations and widespread poverty among Indian people.

A dozen Indian organizations eventually signed on to the caravan idea including the American Indian Movement (AIM). When the caravan reached Minneapolis, the coalition drew up a 20 point document, mostly written by Hank Adams, a longtime fishing rights activist in the Pacific Northwest.

Central to the 20 points was that Indian people were members of sovereign nations and should be negotiated with on that basis. When the caravan arrived in Washington DC, there was a major communications breakdown between the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and the caravan members, resulting in the takeover of the BIA building. AIM then assumed a dominant role in the leadership of the Trail of Broken Treaties.

At the Trail of Broken Treaties in DC: 1972

Unidentified participant in the Trail of Broken Treaties. From the DC Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

AIM’s role in the BIA takeover as well the armed occupation of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge Reservation in 1973, put it directly in the crosshairs of federal COINTELPRO-type repression.

AIM supporters on the Pine Ridge Reservation were assassinated by mysterious death squads widely believed to be linked to the FBI. AIM was infiltrated by informants who spread rumors that various leaders were actually working for the FBI, leading to divisions and violence within the group.

The mayhem on the Pine Ridge reservation led to the shooting of two FBI agents under murky circumstances. AIM member Leonard Peltier is serving 2 life sentences for the killings even though the evidence against him was contradictory. Two other AIM members indicted for the killings were found not guilty. There has been considerable international pressure to free Leonard Peltier.

AIM survived in a weakened state and eventually split into two different AIM organizations, one headquartered in Minneapolis and the other in Denver. Both continue to be active today.

As for the 20 points originally raised by the Trail of Broken Treaties, most still remain unaddressed.


Robert “Bob” Simpson is a former University of Maryland and Washington, DC area social justice activist who moved to Chicago, Illinois in the mid-1970s. He is one half of the Carol Simpson labor cartoon team. Bob remains active in greater Chicago and is a regular contributor to the Daily Kos, Counter Punch and has his own blog The Bobbosphere.


See the Trail of Broken Treaties photos in larger sizes and with more description at the Washington Area Spark Flickr set: BIA Takeover 1972


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